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Bernie Sanders. Photo by Todd Church via Flickr.


US News

Surprise Victory for Sanders in Michigan
Bernie Sanders defied the polls and pulled off a shock win in Michigan last night, but Hillary Clinton managed to increase her overall delegate lead, winning a big victory in Mississippi. Trump, current Republican frontrunner, won three more states—Michigan, Mississippi and Hawaii—while Ted Cruz won in Idaho. —NBC News

Pastor Shooting Suspect Arrested at White House
A former Marine suspected of shooting and wounding a prominent pastor in Idaho has been arrested outside the White House. The Secret Service said Kyle Odom, 30, threw "unknown material over the south fence line" before he was captured. —The Washington Post

Another Chipotle Closes for 'Full Sanitization'
A Chipotle restaurant in Massachusetts has closed to undergo a "full sanitization" after four employees became ill, possibly with the norovirus. No customers have been reported sick. It follows multiple outbreaks of E.coli and norovirus at branches across the country last year. —ABC News

FBI Agents Face Probe Into Oregon Shooting
Federal officials are investigating FBI agents present at the shooting of LaVoy Finicum, one of the Oregon wildlife refuge occupiers, for not disclosing that they fired shots. State investigators concluded Oregon police officers acted properly when they shot and killed Finicum. —The New York Times

International News

Iran Tests Missiles With 'Israel Must be Wiped Out' Slogan
Iran has test-fired ballistic missiles with the phrase "Israel must be wiped out" written on them, according to state media pictures. US officials said that if reports were confirmed, they would raise the matter at the UN Security Council, since the tests defy international sanctions. —AP

UN Says EU-Turkey Deal Is Illegal
A plan to send back refugees en masse from the European Union to Turkey would contravene their right to claim asylum, said the UN's refugee agency, the UNHCR. The agency insists a blanket return of foreigners would not be consistent with international law.—Al Jazeera

Three Dead After Car Bomb Attack in Somalia
A car bomb set off near a police building in the Somali capital of Mogadishu has killed at least three police officers. The Islamist militant group al-Shabaab claimed responsibility. Dozens have now been killed in four separate bomb attacks in the country in the past two weeks.—Reuters

Palestinian Kills US Student in Israel
An American student has been killed, and several other people hurt in a stabbing attack near Tel Aviv. Taylor Force, 29, a student at Vanderbilt University in Tennessee, was one of ten people stabbed in Jaffa by a Palestinian attacker, who was then shot dead by police. —BBC News


George Martin working with the Beatles in 1964. Photo via Wikimedia.

Everything Else

Tributes Pour in for Fifth Beatle
Sir George Martin, the record producer known as the "fifth Beatle," has died at the age of 90. Ringo Starr led the tributes, saying, "Thank you for all your love and kindness George." British Prime Minister David Cameron called Martin "a giant of music." —The Guardian

Matrix Director Comes Out as Transgender Woman
The director of the Matrix, Lilly Waschowski, formerly Andy, has come out as a transgender woman in a statement titled "Sex change shocker – Wachowski brothers now sisters!!!" Her sister Lana Wachowski is also a transgender woman. —Rolling Stone

Taxing Weed Could Make UK Billions
A major study of British academics and police agencies has found that legalizing cannabis will not only raise a huge amount of tax revenue for the UK government, it would also reduce harm among users.—VICE

Binge-Watching Makes Us Depressed
A University of Toledo study has found binge-watchers reported higher levels of stress, anxiety, and depression than people who eke out their episodes. FYI: four episodes of House of Cards classifies as binge-watching.—VICE

Done with reading today? Watch our new video 'Martin Shkreli on Drug Price Hikes and Playing the World's Villain'


Alabama's New Fight for Voting Rights

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This past weekend, civil rights advocates gathered in Selma, Alabama to mark the 51st anniversary of the Bloody Sunday attack on civil rights activists who had taken to the city's Edmund-Pettus Bridge to protest myriad rules that had effectively disenfranchised black voters across the South. The assault on the peaceful demonstrators shocked the nation, and is largely credited with spurring Congress to pass the Voting Rights Act of 1965, a law that strengthened protections for minority voters and required states with troubled histories of restricting polling access to clear all new voting laws with the US Department of Justice.

In the decades following Bloody Sunday, it looked like voter vouchers and other stringent voter ID requirements were slowly becoming a forgotten remnant of life in the less-than-equal South. But in 2011, Republican lawmakers in Alabama's legislature included a disquieting provision in an already controversial bill: Under the banner of preventing voter fraud, the state followed several others in introducing a voter ID law that would require residents to present certain forms of government-issued identification in order to cast a ballot. On top of this, the bill also stipulated that anyone could vote, regardless of whether they had an ID card, so long as two poll workers could vouch for their identity—a troubling echo ofJim Crow-era rules in Alabama counties requiring any would-be voter to obtain "vouchers" from two registered (read: white) voters confirming his identity.

Perhaps predictably, civil rights groups cried foul, alleging that Republican lawmakers were simply trying to make it more difficult for Democratic-leaning minority voters, who disproportionately lack the requisite identification, from the polls. A report from the Center for American Progress estimated that as many as 500,000 Alabama residents could be negatively impacted by the ID requirement.

Although the bill's Republican supporters said the new measures were simply aimed at stopping voter fraud, critics noted that the type of impersonation-based election crimes that voter ID requirements attempt to prevent are exceedingly rare. Unsatisfied with Alabama's explanation, the Justice Department asked the state for more information to explain why, aside from outright discrimination, it needed to place the new restrictions on voting. In May of 2013, Alabama's attorney general responded, calling the federal agency's request an "unnecessary and inappropriate" burden and asserting that the state would provide no further information to ease the feds' apparent concerns.

The following month, Alabama got its way. In June of 2013, the Supreme Court handed down its decision in Shelby County v Holder, effectively disabling Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, which gave the Justice Department authority to block discriminatory voting laws before they went into affect in nine, mostly Southern, states including Alabama. Freed from federal oversight, Alabama immediately announced that its long-stalled ID law and voucher rule would take effect. Numerous other jurisdictions across the South quickly followed suit, implementing a variety of new restrictions on voting.

For civil rights activists across the South, the Shelby ruling amounted to an historic setback. Without federal "preclearance," new barriers to voting can often only be challenged after they are implemented, making the fight against such laws far more difficult.

"When Section 5 was still around, states could not enact new voting laws without proving to the Department of Justice that they wouldn't make minority voters worse off," said Richard Hasen, a professor of law and political science at University of California, Irvine. "Now this burden is on plaintiffs and they have a much higher threshold they have to overcome."

The recent proliferation of new restrictions has inflected the celebrations in Selma this week with worries of a resurgent era of voter suppression—concerns that have taken on new urgency ahead of the first presidential election since the landmark Shelby decision. And Alabama provides a striking example of post-Shelby uncertainty among civil rights activists.

In the nearly three years since the Shelby decision, the state's implementation of the voter ID law has been something of a saga. In September of 2015, for instance, following a budget cut by Alabama's state legislature, the state ordered the closure of 31 of the Department of Motor Vehicle's part-time satellite offices, many of which served poor, rural regions. Given that unequal access to state-issued identification cards was their primary argument against the state's voter ID law, civil rights groups were outraged by the closures, and claimed the move would further limit minority voters' access to Alabama's polls.

" people out every day to drives leading up to our largest primary the state has seen." Farnon claimed that, nonetheless, the state had its highest-ever turnout for its Super Tuesday primary votes this year.

Apparently unsatisfied with the mobile unit's ability to fix the problem, the Obama administration announced in December that it was launching an investigation into Alabama's DMV closures. "Today, the US Department of Transportation is making it clear that Title VI is not optional," US Transportation Secretary Anthony Foxx said in a statement, referring to a provision in the 1964 Civil Rights Act that governs equal access to programs receiving federal assistance. That same month, the NAACP also filed a lengthy civil rights suit against the state of Alabama for its voter ID law.

Scott Douglas, the executive director of the Greater Birmingham Ministries, a community organization that signed onto the lawsuit, says the voucher system included in Alabama's new voter ID law has caused problems around the state, especially in gentrifying neighborhoods where new residents sign up to administer polling places. In an interview, Douglas cited two cases in which "elderly people who had been voting for decades could not be vouched for by the new people who had moved to the neighborhood and were working the polls."

The voucher requirement fits into a galaxy of issues relating to the passage and implementation of the law that Douglas says has increased his sense of frustration with his state's government. "Is it corruption or is it incompetence?" he asked. "I see both."

A major problem with the law's implementation, Douglas added, has been the state government's failure to educate Alabama residents about the new law. "People are still not clear on this law," he said. "Confusion downsizes the vote, it downsizes participation." The burden for educating the public about voting procedures, he added, has now fallen squarely on the shoulders of his organization and the handful of others like it scattered around the state.

"We are doing all we can," Douglas said, "but we're a very small finger in a big hole in the dike."

Follow Spencer Woodman on Twitter.

Study Says Taxing Weed Could Make the UK Billions in Taxes

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Image via 'We Watched London's Weed Fanatics Getting Arrested in Hyde Park for 4/20'

This article originally appeared on VICE UK.

Hey guys, guess what? Turns out that making an extremely sought-after commodity legal on the UK market—therefore creating new businesses and jobs around that commodity—would lead to billions of pounds in tax revenue! Why haven't we thought of this before?

A study carried out by an assortment of scientists, academics, and police has found that not only will legalizing cannabis raise a huge amount of tax money, pumping money into an economy that very much needs it, but also reduce harm among users.

"Drug policy to date has (almost) always been driven by political and ideological agendas that have ignored scientific, public health and social policy norms," the report states. "We are fully aware of the health harms associated with cannabis use, but contend that a rational policy must pragmatically manage the reality of use as it currently exists, rather than attempt to eradicate it using punitive enforcement."

On the panel was Professor David Nutt, an ex-advisor to the government on drug policy, who once famously stated that horse riding was more dangerous than ecstasy. He was later fired by the government after stating that ecstasy and LSD are less dangerous than alcohol.

We at VICE came to a similar conclusion as the team behind the study almost two years ago, working out that regulation and taxation would lead to an estimated saving of £763.2 million ($1.08 billion) to British taxpayers every year, with an approximate total of £2.4 billion ($3.4 billion) made in tax revenue every year from sales alone.

In Colorado, a year after weed was fully legalized, police said they hadn't noticed "much of a change of anything", with a report noting that the state had collected £42 million in tax revenue from sales of the drug, while incidents of impaired driving, property crime, violent crime, and teen drug use had all fallen.

Why the British government has always refused to listen to the specialists saying they're getting drug policy wrong—or pay any attention to successes in other countries—is beyond us. But hey, there you go: Here's another well-researched, unbiased, hugely profitable piece of expert advice to completely disregard.

Men of Color on What It's Like Getting Busted for Weed in Today's New York City

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One morning last October, Bill Bratton, the commissioner of the New York Police Department, bumped into a young woman smoking a joint in downtown Manhattan.

"I come up to one side, tap her on the shoulder, and she looked over," Bratton later recalled to a giggly audience at the New York Law School. "And I wish I had a photograph of that face, because she instantly recognized me." The commissioner added that he and a security officer "politely removed the marijuana" and threw it in the sewer.

The goofy anecdote shows how New York City's once-harsh stance toward pot has evolved. Previously defined by what critics called "the marijuana arrest crusade," NYC law enforcement seems to be adopting a softer tone: Even if smoking in public is still illegal, since November 2014, a new era in weed policy has come to New York where Bratton's boys often look to issue a ticket or warning first, instead of cuffing people in droves. As of this month, the same softer approach applies to drinking, pissing, and littering in Manhattan, too.

But exactly what happens to you for possessing pot still depends an awful lot on where you live.

As VICE reported a few days after Bratton's joint story made headlines, weed is basically legal for New Yorkers with white skin—which is to say enforcement varies widely on, for instance, opposite sides of Prospect Park. Out of all New Yorkers arrested for misdemeanor pot possessions from January to September of 2015, whites made up 8 percent.

Blacks and Hispanics? 88 percent.

In that sense, Bratton's reaction to a student stoner in the Financial District reflects how people generally get treated in that rich, white area of the city. In 2014, it was one of the neighborhoods with the lowest marijuana arrest rates in New York, according to a study conducted by the Drug Policy Alliance.

That said, while the commissioner and smoker-turned-mayor Bill de Blasio continue to laud the plummeting rates of marijuana arrests in this city, low-income communities of color are still getting arrested in high numbers for weed. Now the changes in policing—or how New Yorkers are treated for the same crime—has created two worlds: one where the Commissioner will politely dump out your roach, and another where the Boys in Blue bag you.

To find out how the system really works, VICE spoke with men of color—who statistics show are targeted most aggressively—from each of the five boroughs about getting hassled for pot in contemporary New York City.

Brooklyn

Before the NYPD recalibrated its pot policy across the city in November 2014, it was Brooklyn District Attorney Ken Thompson who first gestured toward change. "In 2012, over 12,000 people in Brooklyn were arrested for possessing small amounts of marijuana, mostly young, black men," he told the crowd at his 2014 inauguration.

The prosecutor swore he would stop going after these low-level offenses, as black men in Brooklyn were nine times more likely than their white counterparts to get busted for bud.

Perhaps no neighborhood's enforcement disparity is more glaring than Brownsville.

The high-crime spot is notorious for police crackdowns, particularly over weed: according to data provided by the NYC Department of Criminal Justice Services, there were 326 arrests for marijuana possession in the 73rd Precinct (Brownsville) last year, 278 of which were for black men.

36-year-old Germaine Windley was one of them.

In June 2015, Windley recalls inviting a man up to his apartment after he repeatedly asked if Windley had weed outside of a bodega down the block. As the two waited for a dealer to arrive, Windley says he sparked up a blunt, and offered it to the man, not knowing he was an undercover NYPD detective. The guy refused, saying he didn't smoke, which sounded suspicious. But Windley didn't pay it any mind.

Later, after the dealer arrived, the undercover officer left with two bags of weed. "I'm talking with my dealer for a little, talking about if I knew the guy," Windley recalls. "I said I met him at the store, and he wanted weed. But before I could've even finish that sentence, cops rushed in my house and arrested me."

As they led Windley out, one officer asked if his heating pack on the stove was drugs—Windley told the cops he had a herniated disc, he says, but they checked anyway. Before heading back to the precinct, he adds, "they drove us around for a while, to see if they could snag anyone else up." Windley was later charged with possession of marijuana with the intent to distribute.

In Brooklyn Criminal Court, a judge dismissed the charges and made Windley and his dealer each pay $120 fines for disorderly conduct. "The judge just said we're gonna pay the fine, dismiss the case, that as long as we pay the fine and stay out of trouble for six months, we should be OK," Windley says.

In Brownsville, where the man still lives, arrests like these are a daily occurrence. Windley scoffs when I mention the city's move from arrests towards summonses: "They don't give out summons. They still arrest them," he says, arguing it's the same at housing projects in Bed-Stuy. The cops are everywhere, he maintains, "hounding people for weed."

Except when he goes to Manhattan. "I walk around there, you don't even see police out there," Windley tells me. "People are smoking blunts in the streets!"

"It's a backwards system, man," he adds, suggesting he lost a sure-thing job offer because of the arrest. "I'm starting to feel like it's gonna hold me back, every job I get now."

Manhattan

Around the same time Commissioner Bratton announced he was easing up on weed citywide, the advocacy group Drug Policy Alliance released a study showing the 25th Precinct of Manhattan—a.k.a. East Harlem—had the highest rate of marijuana arrests in the city: a startling 1,128 out of every 100,000 residents. (In East Harlem, 88 percent of residents are black or Hispanic.)

On Thanksgiving of that year, just days after the new policy on ticketing was announced, a young Hispanic college student who requested anonymity and we'll call "Jamie" was riding down Second Avenue in the 25th precinct. His mother and brother were in the car, which Jamie had recently leased out, he says, and the windows were foggy from the cold. Then red lights flashed.

"The officer said he pulled me over for a broken taillight," Jamie tells me. "Even though I had just bought the car and had it fixed up."

After he opened his window, the officer said he smelled marijuana, and told Jamie, his mother, and his brother to step out of the car, he recalls. His brother began recording the interaction on his phone. According to Jamie, the officers searched the car and his belongings. In Jamie's pockets, the cops found an eighth of weed.

"So I spent Thanksgiving night in jail," Jamie tells me.

In the end, Jamie says he wasn't ticketed for having a broken taillight—instead, he was reprimanded for having marijuana on him and driving while impaired, and ordered to attend a months-long program for chronic smokers. In an act of civil forfeiture, he adds, his car was confiscated, and he was forced to pay $150 for a drug test. (Jamie's case is ongoing, which is why he declines to give his name.)

"I lost my car, I lost family time," he says angrily. "And for what? It was bogus!"

In East Harlem, Jamie insists he sees this all the time: Friends get frisked for pot on the streets, or pulled over in their cars for a different reason, but ultimately are busted for marijuana possession. In the past, Jamie says he's been stopped and frisked on several different occasions; once he flashes his college ID, though, the cops often back off. "They know they're racially profiling then," he explains.

But Jamie's cousins who live in wealthier areas of Queens can smoke blunts on the streets. He's even done that himself on the way to see the Mets play at Citi Field in Flushing. "But once you enter upper Manhattan, or the Bronx," he says, "it's a whole different ball game."

"My white friends do this same shit, and they get away with it," Jamie continues. "But the minute I get behind the wheel... forget about it."

Illustrations by Tyler Boss

Queens

Nearly a month after the city's new approach to handling marijuana enforcement was announced, Carl Stubbs, 63, was waiting for the bus outside of his friend's apartment building in south Queens when the cops showed up.

"I guess the police were watching the building, or something like that," he tells me. "What the police did was hop out the van and apprehend me. Just started grabbing me, and putting their hands in my pockets."

"At the same time, I'm asking them why they're putting their hands in my pocket," he continues. "They said because I allowed them to put their hands in my pockets. I said, 'Wait a minute, I know my rights, and I didn't allow you to do that.'"

Stubbs says the officers found four small bags of weed in his pockets, and then asked him who he was going to see in the building. He refused to say. That's when, Stubbs claims, the cops did something quite strange: They gave him his pot back. "They were looking for somebody with guns," he tells me. "So they thought I was probably the person."

I ask Stubbs if he's seen weed arrests in Flushing, where he lives, over the past few months.

"It stopped a lot, but it's still out there," he says. "It's still going on in certain neighborhoods. They know who to target, and who not to target. And most of the people who they get, they don't have anything, and they panic."

I then told him that I lived in Queens, too—in Astoria, which is ethnically diverse but predominantly white. If he were walking down the street with me in my neighborhood, I wonder, would he get busted?

He responds tersely.

"If you're black, you're getting stopped."

The Bronx

In April 2012, the Bronx Defenders' Marijuana Arrest Project released a study after surveying 500 people who had been arrested for marijuana-related crimes in the borough over the previous year. The lawyers said that over 40 percent of the arrests presented clear constitutional problems due to unreasonable search and seizures.

For perspective, 2011 saw 50,000 weed arrests citywide, more than all NYC pot arrests between 1978 and 1996 combined. (Stop and frisk also peaked at nearly 700,000 incidents that year.) It was a clear sign of policing overkill often attributed by critics—like then-Public Advocate Bill de Blasio—to Mayor Michael Bloomberg and his police commissioner, Ray Kelly.

Now, nearly five years later, one Bronx native who refuses to give his name says the disparate enforcement lingers in the outer borough.

The 28-year-old subject whom we'll call Brian says he and a cousin recently pulled up near an empty building in the Pelham Parkway section of the Bronx, and sparked up a blunt. An hour or so later, the two were sitting in their car, waiting for the high to go down before returning home, when officers rolled up.

"We weren't doing anything crazy," he says. "All of a sudden, the cops ask us, 'What are we doing? Drugs?'" After Brian responded "No," the cops searched his car without his consent, he says. In the glove compartment, he recalls, cops found a small empty vial that contained a trace amount of weed residue. And outside of the car, the cops found the blunt roach.

"I told them that they had no proof that either was ours," Brian tells me. "But they said they needed to arrest me, to show that they were patrolling the area." The building had been vandalized recently, and they were looking for suspects.

In handcuffs, the police brought Brian—who took the blame, letting his cousin go—back to the 49th Precinct, where he was hit with a desk appearance ticket (DAT)—the modus operandi of the new pot policy in New York. There, Brian claims the cops were openly joking about how the mayor smokes pot in the mayoral residence of Gracie Mansion, a rumor that has been circulated by the Boys in Blue for some time now.

Outside of Bronx Criminal Court on a recent afternoon, Brian fumes over the costs of a ticket: a $145 fine, and a loss of $200 in wages, since he had to take the second day off from his new job. He says that luckily, the arrest won't be on his record, and he opted to pay cash instead of doing community service.

Still, the experience shook him. He refuses to give his real name even though his legal troubles are over for fear of retribution from the officer who stopped him. He also says he doesn't know where he'd dare smoke now, for fear of getting busted again. His cousins have faced similar situations across the borough.

"It's the Bronx, man," he offers.

Check out our documentary about hard-charging Brooklyn defense attorney Howard Greenberg.

Staten Island

There are certain neighborhoods on Staten Island that a man we'll call "Frank" knows not to drive through. In rougher spots like West Brighton, New Brighton, or Port Richmond, the police presence is high, and the chances of getting pulled over even higher.

"If I drive through those neighborhoods," he tells me, "I'm getting illegally searched. And it doesn't matter for what—I just know it's gonna happen, because I'm brown-skinned."

According to Frank, that's exactly what happened one day last December in Port Richmond.

The day after his girlfriend's birthday, he was driving through the neighborhood to see his father. Unbeknownst to Frank, he claims, a friend of theirs had left a few grams of pot in the center console the night before. So when he was pulled over for being on his cellphone—which he denies—cops found the weed almost immediately upon flipping the car.

He had weed on his person—in a sweatshirt pocket—too.

Frank was brought to the 121st Precinct, given a DAT, and released quickly. Normally, a few months later, he'd spend the day sitting in court waiting to pay it off. But this time, there was a slight issue: He was on parole for a 2010 gun charge.

The marijuana possession ticket, as a result, could have dire consequences—"just for a small nug, you could be back behind bars for a while," as Frank says. (His case is ongoing, which is why he's unnamed.)

Compared to the other boroughs, Staten Island might seem quiet. With about 500,000 people on the island—many of them white and middle class—and a large NYPD community, the arrest rates here are not astronomical, especially when stacked up against Brooklyn's population of nearly 2.6 million.

But in 2014, the "forgotten borough" became known as the place where Eric Garner was put in a fatal chokehold by Officer Daniel Pantaleo, an incident that sparked protests locally and nationwide. Before that day in July, when Garner was stopped for allegedly selling illicit cigarettes, he had been arrested over 30 times for low-level offenses.

Frank can relate.

That was not Frank's first marijuana arrest—in fact, he cops to getting busted over a dozen times for marijuana possession. Usually, he says, that involves being pulled over for a broken taillight, talking on his cellphone, or, as he puts, "driving where I shouldn't be."

"They'll always say, 'I can see the weed,' even though they're standing outside the car. Also, who would just have it out?" Frank asks, laughing. "And then, when you're on the curb, watching them search your car, they always follow it up with, 'It's nothing personal.'"

Since City Hall changed its stance on pot policy, Frank says the only difference he's noticed is the end result—arrests are less frequent, but fines are higher. "It saves and makes the cops and courts money, so it's good for them!" he explains. The law, he insists, is great for areas where arrests aren't already a daily occurrence: "It's geared towards not getting those people in trouble."

But for people who look like him in the outer boroughs, not a whole lot has changed.

"This is the norm," he says. "They're gonna search you. They're gonna write whatever they want to write. And there's nothing you can do."

Before we go our separate ways, Frank asks me to come to Staten Island soon, and ride around with him through those search-heavy neighborhoods. He guarantees that if I go alone, I'll be just fine. But together, it's a different story: "If they see me in the front seat, driving, then we must be up to no good."

"Any time you want to do that test," he says, "call me."

Follow John Surico on Twitter.

"My Vag Wants What My Vag Wants"– Catching Up with One of the UK's Biggest Sex Bloggers

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That's not Girl on the Net above, just some people doing sex stuff. (Photo by Karley Sciortino)

Spend any time reading about sex online and you'll come across Girl on the Net. Every month, 100,000 people visit her blog for takes on topics like strap-on double-penetration; why tall women won't date short men; the idea of porn "addiction"; first-time anal sex; fashion in tits; and knife play.

GOTN has built her career around telling stories about the many varied ways in which humans can fuck, but as her anonymous online persona grew, life changed behind the scenes. She fell in love, suffered a mental health breakdown, and had to re-examine who she really was, behind the mask of GOTN.

It's this side of life that GOTN explores in her new book, How a Bad Girl Fell in Love. We caught up for a chat.

VICE: A strong theme in your writing is your rebuttal of society's ideas about how sexuality is gendered; the idea that men like sex and women like cuddles, or that being too keen makes you a slag. Lots of these stereotypes are internalised. How much of our sexual preferences do you think we learn through social conditioning?
GOTN: I think the interesting thing is that, at the moment, we don't really know. So much of what we're educated to believe feeds back into the things we want to study. So we might study attitudes to the ideal partner, but so much of that research – and how we interpret the results – will be grounded in what we think we know already. People who start from an evolutionary standpoint will say, "Research tells us that men want this and women want that." But do we really understand how much of that is nature and how much is nurture?

If we agree that at least some of our sexual habits and preferences are learned, does that mean there's scope to consciously expand and change?
That's a really difficult one. I don't want to stray into the territory of saying you can actively shape your sexual desire, because if you go too far down that line you end up with people thinking gay conversion therapy is a legitimate thing. But what I do think is that, not only can we explore why we have a particular fetish or kink, but I think we have a responsibility to examine it.

I'm really into BDSM and being submissive, and, before I started the blog, I would have just said, "Well, my cunt wants what my cunt wants," whereas now I'd be more likely to say, "Yes, this is a thing I'm sexually drawn to and I'm not going to be ashamed of that, but I can ask why." There are probably lots of societal and cultural things that play into why I find these particular things hot – early influences, things I saw when I was young that triggered them in my mind. I wouldn't say that everybody can and should shape their own desires, but we can all explore our own desires, and it makes things far more interesting.

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You write honestly about how it's possible to have great sex with someone you don't like. It's not true that being in love always equals great sex. But even outside religious circles, this idea upsets people. We still think of sex as sacred, don't we?
Yes, it's this idea that sex is either a cementing of love or spark towards love. It's all wrapped up in this belief that love is the ultimate goal; that hereto, monogamous love is this shining bubble, the ideal we should all be reaching for.

I agree. Hence people's deep unease about commercial sex.
There's a knee-jerk reaction; as soon as sex comes into a conversation, people are nervous of it. I think sex work in particular challenges people. The idea that sex work is work is so radical because we've been taught ever since we're born that our genitals are precious. Men probably not so much, but for women it's all tied up in notions or purity and virginity, which are in turn tied up in control.

You seem very patient with the endless stream of dick pics you're sent, but, from your book, what seemed more alarming was men not getting their scariness. The guy who messaged you "LOL I'm not a rapist" and then "Don't make me send you flowers". Would you say you've had a chilling insight into the cis male psyche?
I might not use the word chilling, but, before I started the blog, I would have said there are lots of guys who don't really understand feminism, but when we tell them, they'll get it. But actually, there are so many men who are, I would say, the good guys – they're on our side and genuinely give a shit about the issues, but they're so unwilling to see themselves as potentially "bad". One of the things that struck me is that nobody thinks they're the bad guy.

I mean, I don't think that I'm the bad guy! I've done some things and said some things on my blog that I look back on now and think, 'That was awful.' But at the time, I didn't know I was the bad guy. With more extreme stuff I get sent, though, the really aggressive stuff, that is just really shitty behaviour. As a general rule I try not to talk about it too much. I feel like the more I talk about it, the more I'll get.

WATCH: 'The Digital Love Industry'

Your blog's intimate, but your book is revealing in a different way. What were the hardest bits to write?
Any time I talk about mental health stuff it's really difficult, because I want to convey the horror – I've genuinely had moments when I don't want to be alive any more – but at same time not leave people with that. I don't want to just drop that in people's laps; I want to be able to say, "This is shit, but here are positives that came out of it," and that's really difficult to do, particularly if I'm in a shit place.

Do you think the tide of bad sex advice is turning, or are there as many dodgy "sexperts" as ever?
I want to be super positive about this because, in my circle, there are so many brilliant sex experts, but every now and then I stumble across an article written in a popular UK newspaper and think, 'Shit, I really live in a bubble of sex positivity and good advice, the kind of advice that understands people have very different experiences and sexuality.' You still get "Five things not to do during a threesome," or those really prescriptive things in the mainstream press, but I think we're getting better because our experience is getting broader and, as our world gets bigger, we have more information to reject those kinds of articles.

Girl on the Net: How A Bad Girl Fell in Love is out March 10through Blink Publishing.

@frankiemullin

More on VICE:

Does Having Casual Sex Make You Depressed?

The 21 Sexiest Things About Sex

This Is Your Sex on Drugs

Moose Calls and 'Accidental' Hitler Salutes: What I Learned at Alberta's Kudatah

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It was a diverse crowd at the Kudatah, there were white people from Calgary, white people from Edmonton, and even white people from small towns. All photos by author.

The skies were grey and the weather was cold when the Kudatah happened in Alberta.

After a 50-city tour of Alberta and an effort to gather a hefty amount of signatures George Clark gathered his army of hundreds of people. The group, primarily old and white, crammed the drained fountains in front of Alberta's legislature to take part in the insurrection of Alberta.

At one point some of the ladies were screaming at the hunk, "George Clark, you're so dreamy!"

They were led by George Clark, the man who harnessed the power to bring Alberta together against those communist NDP.

The crowd was buzzing to hear how George Clark was going to make Alberta great again.

Oh..... oh no.

The people came in droves. On social media people reported taking Greyhounds to Edmonton and organizing buses. Some brought out moose calls—Alberta's answer to the vuvuzela—to supplement their cheers.

Others pulled their kids out of school so they'd be there to witness the fall of Chairman Rachel.

Your government shouldn't be deciding what your kids should learn, that's a parents write.

It was a classy event. In no way did people break out any hateful speech or offensive signs. No they did not.

There were no swastikas or anything of that nature. Nope. Not at all. (Okay, maybe just one.)

Nothing shows you should be taken seriously like swastikas. (courtesy of Duncan Kinney)

The crowd was vocal, responding to Clark's calls to action. Up to now, Clark made a big deal of keeping his rhetoric on the straight and narrow. But he started veering off the rails during his hour-long speech.

"They made fun of us for meeting in a Walmart, but look at us now," he roared.

"When we're done, the NDP party may be the most Conservative party there ever was."

While the great man was orating, people milled about the crowd getting signatures against Bill 10, dubbed the "Boys in Girls' Bathrooms Law" by some of the canvassers.

Clark even the crowd got into the spirit chanting "Kill Bill 10."

After the crowd purged their transphobia, the main event took place: the big reveal of how many people George got to sign his plebiscite. He took kids and arranged them in front of the crowd and started handing them numbers. He may of been transfixed by his adoring crowd because he accidentally gave the first kid the four instead of the third kid, which led him to accidentally say he got over 400,000 signatures instead of the actual amount.

Not only did the four go rogue but so did the comma. No one caught that one though.

George Clark and the kiddos after his little mix up.

At the end of the day I asked foul-mouthed street criminal and VICE writer Drew Brown, what did we learn? What was accomplished at this event? Why didn't we start a "They took our jobs chant?"

Notley was still premier, Clark's nifty notion of having his people sign up for NDP membership to take the party down from within didn't work, and the event just kind of faded away with many people grumbling.

But hey, at least they got to stand outside and yell about things for a few hours. And isn't that really what protesting is all about?

Follow Mack Lamoureux on Twitter.

How Burning Man Culture Changed Festivals Around the World

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"I think Burning Man suffers from an image problem, in that many people's idea of it revolves solely around the most titillating stories," says Fred Fellowes, founder of the UK's Secret Garden Party festival and a proud Burning Man acolyte. "Most people have an array of fairly common myths in their heads—the social freedoms, the other freedoms it offers—and it really isn't what a lot of people think it is. I think it would surprise a lot of people; it's more of a sober affair, much more capable, than those myths might suggest."

Fellowes has been to Burning Man "eight of nine times" since first attending in 2006. He's run a theme camp on the event's open playa, with a bar and a small disco, and is happy to say that it's had a "huge influence" on the development of his own 22,500-person event. So he's well placed to comment on why Burning Man culture is booming worldwide, and how the week-long celebration of art, love, freedom, and self-expression is helping to change the way we experience festivals.

But first, a primer on what exactly Burning Man is: The first incarnation of the festival took place on the summer solstice in 1986, when friends Larry Harvey and Jerry James spontaneously decided to burn an eight-foot-tall wooden effigy of a man on Baker Beach, San Francisco. Some 35 people were there to watch. Over the next few years, the number of people attending the annual event grew steadily. But even then, surely no one in attendance could have envisaged that, 30 years later, the fire ceremony they were witnessing would mushroom into the 70,000 attendee-strong cultural behemoth it's become, attracting people from all over the world to its home for the past 25 years, Nevada's Black Rock Desert.

As well as the main Burning Man, there are now nearly 50 "Burns"—smaller events inspired by the spirit of Burning Man—held every year. Originally, these only took place in the US and Canada, but you'll now find them all over the planet, from AfrikaBurn in South Africa and Midburn in Israel, to Burning Seed in Australia, and the Borderland in Scandinavia, which this year takes place on a UNESCO World Heritage site on the Danish coast.

That now-global Burning Man spirit is underpinned by ten principles:

  • Radical inclusion.
  • Gifting.
  • Decommodification.
  • Radical self-reliance.
  • Radical self expression.
  • Communal effort.
  • Civic responsibility.
  • Leaving no trace.
  • Participation.
  • Immediacy.

Out of that list, the "gifting" one is probably the most radical and—to someone who's never been to a Burn before—the hardest to get your head around.

Essentially: Money is worth nothing. Everyone gives one another everything, and it's all in the spirit of gifting, not trading. Drink, drugs, food, hugs: The idea is that giving and receiving all of those things will make you love everyone around you. And, from my experience, that idea usually works out. When I went to Nowhere, a Burn in the Spanish bushland between Barcelona and Zaragoza, I thought the gifting principle wasn't really going to to be adhered to: That it was a neat marketing ploy, but that there would be a black market of cigarettes and shit drugs. There wasn't.

The Burning Man site. Photo by Matt via

However, considering most non-Burn events need to actually make some money, it makes sense that it's the principles of radical inclusion, radical self-expression, and participation that we're seeing most replicated elsewhere.

"Festivals in general have become more participatory, immersive, and interactive, with more of an emphasis on the overall experience as the selling point," says Paul Reed of the Association of Independent Festivals. "Our audience research supports this: In 2014, 58 percent of people surveyed said that the main reason for purchasing a festival ticket was the overall atmosphere and experience—less than 7 percent said headline acts. This is part of a wider cultural shift outside of just music festivals, with film events like Secret Cinema and theater production companies like Punchdrunk offering a sense of exploration and unpredictability."

Festivals offer the ultimate departure from reality, especially when they take place in a scorched desert, everyone's dressed like Mad Max characters, and people are literally handing you drugs for free.

Secret Garden Party. Photo by Angel Ganev via

Fellows, of Secret Garden Party, agrees that the immersive aspect of events inspired by Burning Man is a way of moving the festival game forward. "I think that one of the spaces that isn't so occupied by the bigger festivals with larger bands is the experiential," he says. "There is a desire to move from just being happy being a spectator to wanting more."

It's not enough to just be able to watch the action; you need to be the action—whether that means linking your nipple ring to someone else's and performing a tandem piece of interpretive dance, or just wearing a stupid outfit and getting your picture taken by a photographer there for that Sunday's supplement spreads.

Burning Man has been setting annual artistic themes since the 1990s—this year's is "Da Vinci's Workshop"—and, closer to home, Secret Garden Party and Bestival have followed tradition, applying a central theme each year that guides the respective festival's artistic direction and promotion. Last year, Rob Da Bank's Isle of Wight weekender asked attendees to come in outfits inspired by the Summer of Love; this year, it's the "Future".

I wonder if this focus on fancy dress has anything to do with the Instagram generation coming of age—the perfect opportunity for you and all your friends to dress up like Lichtenstein paintings and rack up those valuable likes. "Yeah, I reckon so," says Fellowes, whose SGP is following a futuristic "Gardeners Guide to the Galaxy" theme this year.

Jonathan Walsh from Shambhala—another festival that shares many Burning Man qualities—doesn't buy my theory. " all part of the participation, the alternate," he says, "leaving the grind behind and setting you free."

Walsh believes that more and more festivals are adopting the principles established by Burning Man because "a fulfilled, more purposeful existence is becoming more desirable in a world where people are realizing working harder and harder for greater accumulation isn't the answer."

Related: Watch 'Unicorns,' our documentary about a charismatic former-alcoholic named Shaft who has his life changed by Burning Man and realizes that he actually identifies as a unicorn.

One person who can certainly identify with this is Shofiqul Addin, a.k.a. Shaft, a.k.a. Shivacorn. You might recognize Shaft from the recent VICE documentary Unicorns, which documented the hedonistic micro-subculture he founded, where people who self-identify as unicorns cover themselves in glitter and sometimes have sex with each other.

Buoyed by his first trip to Burning Man in 2010, where he says he took acid and got "lost in the desert for three days," he came back, sold all his possessions—bar his bike, a bag of clothes, and a Mac (he works in advertising)—and started squatting. Over the next five years, he went to 25 Burns all over the world, and freely admits it totally changed his life.

"At Burning Man, I'm allowed to be myself, says Shaft. "It nurtures weirdos."

That sentiment nails the appeal of the culture of Burning Man, and explains why so many festivals—not just SGP or Shambhala, but also the likes of Boomtown, Rainbow Serpent in Australia, and Meadows in the Mountains in Bulgaria—have adopted those ideals of radical inclusion, radical self-expression, and participation.

The internet opens up the world to anyone in possession of it. Whatever you're into—doomcore, acting like a unicorn, rice cakes, whatever—the web means you can almost instantly find someone else who's into the same thing as you, and suddenly it's not so strange any longer. Our minds, generally, are more open, and people need arenas in which to explore and express this openness. And doing that in a desert or an open field, surrounded by likeminded people, beats doing it in your suburban bedroom.

The internet has also helped Burning Man grow, and one of the main challenges it now faces is retaining its original ideals while growing bigger. Spend any time on the message boards of the "Burner" community, and you'll see a vast mixture of opinions regarding whether or not the festival should move forward into a brave new world.

I ask a guy called Steve Outtrim, who runs the popular Burners site burners.me, what he thought about Burning Man's increasing popularity, and whether or not he thought its increased visibility in the media could threaten everything it has come to be.

"Burning Man has gone mainstream, just like the Grateful Dead did," he says. "They should go on tour, just like the Grateful Dead did. It's a hit—run with it. Why not?"

Follow David on Twitter.

Could This Natural Supplement Be the Answer to Antidepressant Dependency?

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All photos by VICE

Mental health is so underfunded in the UK that pills can be used as the quick-fix option. In 2014/15, 57.8 million prescriptions for antidepressants or selective serotonin re-uptake inhibitors (SSRIs) were filled out in England alone. You can wait months on a waiting list for cognitive behavioral therapy or to see a psychiatrist, and as you wait, medication is a lifeline. In addition to this mess, pharma giants have stopped looking for the "next Prozac," cutting funding into new treatments by 70 percent in the last decade. The bottom line is clear: SSRIs, with all their pros and cons, are here to stay.

Obviously nobody is suggesting coming off your medication, and for many cases of depression and anxiety, a course of SSRIs and/or CBT can be life-saving. For me, during a period of bad anxiety, when I was torn between the idea of going back on antidepressants or not, I began searching for some sort of alternative aid online and soon came across a video of Jim Carrey. Carrey has struggled with depression for the majority of his adult life; he's a classic case of the sad clown. "I take... supplements," he tells Larry King in the clip I found. "Vitamins?" asks King. Not quite, but not far off either. A natural substance called 5-HTP. "It's a wonderful thing," Carrey smiles. "It's amazing." His description of how 5-HTP worked made it sound like a super-drug, a cure-all. All it would take for me would be an anonymous trip to a health food store and 15 bucks. Like every other young person, I knew it as a quick fix for MDMA comedowns, but never considered buying it as a medication replacement. Obviously for severe depression and anxiety, a serious course of SSRIs or cognitive behavioral therapy would be more appropriate. But at this point, I was ready for something to ease the transition.

I bought 200 mg "double strength" tablets off Amazon. Immediately after taking them, I felt slightly better. After a week of taking one of these with my breakfast, I could easily get through a working day without being too panicked to concentrate on a screen. I still woke up with "the fear," but it was lessened. Better yet, there seemed to be no notable side effects. I started recommending it to all my friends with mild depression or anxiety. I was in love.

In humans, 5-HTP is the nutrient precursor to the neurotransmitter serotonin—widely known as the "happy neurotransmitter"—meaning 5-HTP converts directly into serotonin in the brain. As well as being in our bodies, it's found naturally in the seeds of a woody shrub native to West Africa. By taking it as a supplement, in theory, you will end up with more serotonin in your brain. Serotonin deficiency is linked to depression, anxiety, and a whole host of physical and mental ailments. Raising its levels seems to help brain cells send and receive chemical messages, which in turn boosts mood.

In reality, SSRIs and 5-HTP aren't so different. Both affect serotonin. SSRIs work by blocking serotonin from being reabsorbed by nerve cells so more serotonin is available to help brain cells work efficiently. As a doctor would later tell me, 5-HTP, on the other hand, "provides your body with the tools to make more serotonin, as opposed to antidepressants, which are just working with the serotonin that you have already."

"I used to have an inner voice that was male and used to bully me during PMT time. Noises seemed too loud, even like somebody eating a bag of crisps. Topping up with 5-HTP has stopped all this."

People are using 5-HTP for absolutely everything from sleep disorders to OCD symptoms. After asking people in mental health Facebook groups whether they used it and why, I was inundated with responses. Sach Tennant, from London, takes it for her premenstrual dysphoric disorder (PMDD). "I only take it when I feel low, and it only takes one hour to feel calm," she told me. "This month, I only needed one to feel better. I don't get the zombie antidepressant feeling—you still have your emotions. Sleep is good on it. I used to have an inner voice that was male and used to bully me during PMT time. Noises seemed too loud, even like somebody eating a bag of chips. Topping up with 5-HTP has stopped all this."

James Bates* who recently started taking it for panic attacks, said, "A friend who had anxiety recommended 5-HTP to me. I used to take beta-blockers and Valium, but the doctors have gotten funny about giving them to me. I needed an alternative and didn't fancy getting back on Prozac. I've only been taking the supplements for a month, but so far, it's helped a lot. I've only had two panic attacks, whereas usually I'd have four or five."

There is one glaring problem, however: The supplements come with a disclaimer that recommends not taking them for more than three months. Most of the information out there on 5-HTP is anecdotal, and most of them are stories of it helping people, rather than hard facts about its scientific properties. I approached neurologists, psychologists, and experimental doctors about 5-HTP, and many responses were strange. Not many people were willing to speak about it, saying they weren't qualified or hadn't read the relevant material, but there isn't much material to speak of. The main source of legitimate scientific evidence came from the University of Maryland Medical Center website, which stated that 5-HTP may work as well as certain antidepressant drugs to treat people with mild-to-moderate depression. But all the studies that support that statement were done in the 1980s and 1990s. I wanted to know if 5-HTP was a realistic alternative to SSRIs. Could I stay on 5-HTP forever, basking in its natural glory?

Eventually, I found Dr. Kristaps Paddock, a naturopathic doctor and 5-HTP expert from Maryland in the US. He said one benefit 5-HTP has over SSRIs is that it kicks in quickly for those with anxiety and depression. "Serotonin has a short metabolic half-life, so it metabolizes very, very fast. It goes into the body and out at a great speed, unlike SSRIs, which take a while to take effect so a sufferer wouldn't be feeling good during that time, and in fact may be feeling more suicidal. SSRIs also then have to be weaned off slowly, whereas you can stop taking 5-HTP instantly." Another bonus, of course, is that it's natural rather than synthetic. "If you're seriously considering the supplement, you have to weigh the positives and negatives against each other. The toxicity with 5-HTP is lower than that of SSRIs, since it's natural. Also, because it's metabolized much quicker, it'd get out of your system more quickly if there were any problems. On the other hand, the research basis for 5-HTP is dramatically lower, so it's important to think of that."


There are a number of professionals out there who support its use. Dr. Nicole Rush, a neuropathic doctor based in Ontario, Canada, believes it should and could be a legitimate alternative to SSRIs in the future. "When used safely and at an adequate dose, it has promise for supporting mild to moderate depression, and doesn't carry the side effects."

Dr. Sohère Roked is a GP in the UK with a specialist interest in integrative medicine. She prescribes 5-HTP to patients with anxiety and depression, alongside vitamins and other natural supplements, and sees no problem with it being used for mild conditions. "With the patients I see, generally I've seen good results with it. Antidepressants do work for some people, so I'm not against them completely, but others don't want to go down that path straight away. This gives them another option."

But what about the three-month warning? Rush, while an advocate for the supplement, sees it as a short-term solution, and not something to rely on long-term, for good reason. "Technically taking 5-HTP alone can deplete important brain chemicals such as dopamine and adrenaline. While 5-HTP is aimed at increasing the amount of serotonin in the body, dopamine and adrenaline are also important for positive mental health states. In order to prevent the depletion of important brain chemicals, taking 5-HTP would need to be balanced with amino acids that support the production of dopamine and adrenaline." That's L-tyrosine, which you eat in soy, chicken, and beef, and can also be found in health food shops as a supplement.

The reality is that people are always going to self-medicate. Boots, Amazon, and H&B all sell 5-HTP with no enforced age limit, and in theory you could keep buying it and taking it for as long as you like.

Even if you did look after yourself adequately and monitor the amount of 5-HTP you were taking, it doesn't appear to be a permanent or lasting solution. A couple of the doctors talked about something that comes up time and time again with long-term SSRI use: a dissipating effect, meaning the pills can feel less and less effective over time. It seems that people may have the same problem with 5-HTP. "If you push on your biochemistry hard enough, it may downregulate," Paddock explained. "If you're taking SSRIs your body may downregulate the amount of serotonin it puts out, so you get waning effects over time. It's similar with 5-HTP. There may be a certain level of serotonin your body is keeping you at, and if you raise it or push it, your body then may say, 'OK, we're above the set point, let's then raise that point again.'"

Though it may be unlikely to form part of any official psychiatric program in the UK, Phil Cowen, professor of psychopharmacology at Oxford, admitted that there are various groups for whom it could be helpful. "About half of people with severe depression never see a doctor anyway, so it's reasonable to think it's fine for them to treat themselves with something like a supplement. Perhaps if you had mild symptoms, a smaller dose would be helpful. I'd also prefer to prescribe things like exercise or computer-based CBT if it's that stage, though. But depression and anxiety is very different between people. That's important to keep in mind. No treatment is the same for anyone."

The reality is that people are always going to self-medicate. CVS, Amazon, and Whole Foods all sell 5-HTP, and in theory, you could keep buying it and taking it for as long as you like. But it's important to know the facts. It shouldn't be used in conjunction with an SSRI, for example. In that situation, if the body is preventing serotonin breakdown while also getting extra serotonin, it will lead to seriously unhealthy levels of serotonin activity.

Until there are more clinical studies, I'll probably stay on 5-HTP along with Jim Carrey, albeit carefully, until I find better long-term solutions. But perhaps it isn't the wonder drug I thought it was. As usual, if something seems too good to be true, it always fucking is.

*Name has been changed at the request of the subject, who asked to remain anonymous.

Follow Hannah Ewens on Twitter.

If you are concerned about your mental health or that of someone you know, visit the Mental Health America website.



The VICE Guide to Right Now: George Martin, the Guy Who Made the Beatles the Beatles, Has Died

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Legendary Grammy Award–winning producer Sir George Martin—the "fifth Beatle" who helped sculpt four guys from Liverpool into the fucking Beatles—has died of natural causes at the age of 90.

Martin produced the majority of the Beatles' music, famously experimenting with them in the studio and bringing his great eye for arranging to their songs. Throughout his career, Martin produced 30 number-one hit singles in the UK and 23 in the United States, including Elton John's "Candle in the Wind," and worked with big names like Kate Bush, Cheap Trick, and America.

Martin was nominated for an Oscar for his score in A Hard Day's Night, was knighted in 1996, and joined the American Rock & Roll Hall of Fame in 1999.

Both surviving Beatles took to the internet to express their sadness for the loss of their long-time collaborator and friend. Late Tuesday night, Ringo Starr tweeted a confirmation of Martin's death and thanked him for all his "love and kindness."

Paul McCartney paid tribute to Martin and his influence on the Beatles on his website, saying, " was a true gentleman and like a second father to me. He guided the career of the Beatles with such skill and good humor that he became a true friend to me and my family.

"If anyone earned the title of the fifth Beatle, it was George," he wrote.

Thumbnail image via WikiCommons

Arrests and Suspensions Are Out of Control in Baltimore Schools

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An eight-second video was released last week showing a Baltimore school police officer attacking an unarmed student while another cop stood by and watched. The clip went viral and spurred national outrage, as well as calls for a federal investigation. The two officers, Anthony Spence and Saverna Bias, turned themselves in Tuesday night to face second-degree assault and misconduct in office charges—Spence is also charged with second-degree child abuse—and had posted bail by early Wednesday. But with criminal trials still pending for the six cops charged over the death of 25-year-old Freddie Gray last year, the footage has stoked an already strained conversation around policing in Baltimore.

After the clip's release, politicians and advocates quickly began to criticize the city's ill-defined school police policies, pointing out that there are no public arrest statistics, including who gets busted, why, and whether those incidents might have been handled outside the criminal justice system. There's also little or no oversight of the school police budget and officers' use of force. All of which is especially alarming given that policing aside, Maryland actually has some of the most progressive school discipline policies in the country—at least on paper.

Still, a lack of leadership and a persistent culture of criminalization within public schools have the city suspending, expelling, and arresting students too often—and in discriminatory fashion.

Baltimore's unique place in America's school discipline hierarchy emerged over the past decade. In 2004, the city's school issued more than 26,000 suspensions in a school district of 88,000. Alarmed city advocates began speaking out, forming networks to push for disciplinary alternatives, and fighting for district leaders to reckon with the glaring suspension data. Research has long shown that excessive suspensions and expulsions are tied to higher rates of school absence, school dropouts, and academic failure. Suspended students often sit around at home, or in low-quality alternative programs, falling further behind on their studies. There's also evidence that school suspensions lead to higher rates of arrest and juvenile detentions, fueling what is commonly referred to as the "school to prison pipeline."

In 2007, Baltimore hired a new school CEO, Andres Alonso, who began overhauling the district's school discipline policies. He worked to scale back the scope of offenses that could warrant an out-of-school suspension, and he expanded the number of restorative alternatives to keep kids in class and on top of their school work.

The results were dramatic. During the 2009–2010 school year, the district issued fewer than 10,000 suspensions, a decrease of more than 50 percent from 2004. The suspensions were also significantly shorter, and graduation rates went up, particularly for young black men.

"One of the things that really sets us apart from other school districts is that students can no longer be suspended for low-level and ambiguous infractions, such as disrespect," explained Karen Webber, director of the Education and Youth Development at the Open Society Institute-Baltimore, a local think tank and advocacy group. "Before, a child might say something edgy, and if an administrator didn't appreciate what was said or how it was stated, that child could be sent home for five days."

Advocates around the state began to push for similar reforms, and in 2014, the State Board of Education approved new regulations to reduce the numbers of suspensions and expulsions across Maryland. The new policies encouraged teachers and principals to keep students in the classroom whenever possible and to promote alternative disciplinary measures. And the feds took notice: In light of Baltimore's substantial drop in suspensions, and the statewide work done around discipline reform, Secretary of Education Arne Duncan and Attorney General Eric Holder came to Baltimore in 2014 to unveil the first set of national school discipline guidelines.

But even as suspensions have plummeted, critics point to a series of disturbing school police scandals and argue that Baltimore still hasn't implemented many of the progressive policies passed statewide two years ago. The district hired a new CEO that year, Dr. Gregory Thornton, who has made less of a fuss about school discipline reform.

"You can have the most promising policies on the books, but rules are only as good as their implementation," said Monique Dixon, deputy director of policy at the NAACP Legal Defense Fund.

"While there's been great work done to write these policies, those changes have not been filtered down to the staff level—nobody has been retrained," adds Jenny Egan, a juvenile public defender in Baltimore.

For example, some suspended Baltimore students languish for months outside of school just because the district failed to make a final decision about their punishment. Neeta Pal, a legal fellow at the Maryland public defender's office, says that when the district leaves students in this bureaucratic limbo—indefinitely suspended—it violates both state law and the US Constitution.

One such student was 15-year-old Kuran Johnson, a ninth grader with a disability who was suspended this past October. Johnson spent four months in an alternative program, and he was only allowed to return back to a traditional public school a few weeks ago after Nicole Joseph, an attorney with the Maryland Disability Law Center, threatened to sue. "This is their way to get rid of kids," Sabrina Newby, Johnson's grandmother, told me over the phone. "They feel these kids are so easy to suspend, and then they wonder why kids end up dropping out or wind up in juvenile facilities."

Following the standoff between students and police back during the April 2015 Freddie Gray protests, Karl Perry, a Baltimore high school principal, penned a memo in which he attributed the local uprising in part to their "soft code of conduct." He promised a "return to zero-tolerance enforcement," and within two months, he was hired to be the district's chief supports officer—overseeing, among other things, suspensions and school police.

Joseph wrote an op-ed in the Baltimore Sun criticizing Perry's remarks, arguing that zero-tolerance policies "feed the school-to-prison pipeline" and increase the likelihood at-risk students will be excluded from school. She called for reforms like increasing the number of mental health providers, promoting positive behavior interventions, and increasing engaging curriculum and job skills training.

She pointed out that in Baltimore, despite all the changes and national attention, black students and those with disabilities are still suspended at higher rates than the general student population.

"Yes, suspension numbers have gone down, in almost every district across the state, but the disproportionately is not going down," Joseph said in an interview. "Both by race, and also for students with disabilities, these minority groups are not experiencing the same reduction in harsh discipline that non-disabled and white kids are."

Officials with the Baltimore city public schools did not return repeated requests for comment on Perry's remarks, on students left in suspension limbo, and on whether the district feels it has adequately implemented the state's discipline regulations. Meanwhile, critics see the suspensions, expulsions, arrests and abuse cases as part of the same problem—a school culture that tries to kick students out rather than engage them where they are, as they are.

"We know so many of our kids have serious challenges, and one of the goals of our schools should be to address them, to help them, and not to punish them," Egan said. "We have to change the culture so that schools actually take kids as they come. We can't just pass the buck."

Follow Rachel M. Cohen on Twitter.

Comics: 'Miniature Castle,' a Comic by Diego Cumplido

An Inside Look at Toronto's Inadequate Shelter System

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All photos by the author

It's 8 PM on a Saturday near the end of February. It's cool out, but not cold. I'm standing outside Blythwood Baptist Church with a hot cup of coffee in my hand, courtesy of the Out of the Cold (OOTC) shelter program running in the basement below. To my right, half-illuminated by a dirty industrial light bolted to the building, a cloud of cigarette smoke escapes from Brian DuBourdieu's lips. He had begun telling me about the time someone dropped him off at this same church a few years ago—drunk, homeless, and nearly frozen.

"They found me in a ditch," he tells me while packing away his carton of discount cigarettes. DuBourdieu, 59, says he uses the term "they" because he never actually met the people who saved him five years ago. He only knows some vague details from his own recollection and that of what his friends have told him: One night in the winter of 2010, a vehicle found him passed out in a snowy ditch. The occupants picked him up, tossed him in the car, brought him to the church, and left before he woke up. I asked him if it was strange that people who saved his life didn't want to meet him. Unphased, he laughed at the idea.

"They were taking a huge risk taking me in with them. They didn't know me, I could have been anybody. I could have been somebody who might've attacked them for being woken up like that. It was just a very nice thing to do, and a very rare thing to do."

DuBourdieu was born in Newfoundland and grew up like many people do—erratically and full of angst. Although he made it through high school and into a solid university program, he flunked out in his second year while battling the bottle. His alcoholism would plague him for years to come as he had trouble finding a steady job in a struggling Newfoundland economy. Wanting to get away and get paid, he followed in his father's footsteps and joined the Canadian Navy. He stayed there until the 80s before joining the coast guard. Cheap booze and a hard drinking culture came with the job.

In the 90s, DuBourdieu had moved to Toronto where he framed and roofed houses. A few years in, he suffered a knee injury on the job that made it tough for him to keep up. All the while, the seduction of liquor pulled him further away from work and deeper into a depressive rut. Before long, things had fallen apart. DuBourdieu was homeless, and he'd stay like that for over a decade. Performing the daily grind of hopping from shelter to shelter, staying in hostels when he could afford it, and getting drunk to pass the time when he couldn't.

Nowadays, DuBourdieu works as a volunteer with the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP). After finding a place in veterans' housing around four years ago, he's cleaned up his life. He spends much his time now working within outreach community and interacting with the homeless. While he knows first hand how helpful the system can be, he's also aware that—as it is now—the need for affordable housing in Toronto is at a critical mass.

"They wouldn't do this to cats and dogs," DuBourdieu tells me, waving in the direction of the dozens of beds crammed beside each other in Blythwood's basement. "We need housing. Right now, not later. This is not humane by any stretch of the imagination."

According to a recent report from OCAP, there's currently over 95,000 spots on the waitlist for affordable housing in Toronto. An astounding number by itself, the average wait time before getting into a home is similarly shocking: five years for those who are homeless or struggling with mental illness, and 10 years for those who aren't.

There are roughly 5,200 people who are homeless in Toronto, although that doesn't mean all of them are on the street. A good portion of that number have found some sort of temporary emergency housing through the city's Streets to Homes program, while others may be crashing at friend or family member's place. It's not living like most of us do, but they have a home.

Of the few hundred or so who roam the streets every night, however, most rely partly or entirely on private non-profits like OOTC—a program that is run by a rotating collective of the city's churches. With that said, charitability only goes so far: according to OCAP, around 81 percent of Toronto's homeless will be denied shelter at OOTC centres due to overcrowding, leaving most of them to spend their night in the streets.

"Justice would be the opening of more real shelters and a phasing out of the Out of the Cold program with real shelters. Real shelters would be properly staffed, accessible, with a harm-reduction approach and be culturally sensitive," Cathy Crowe, a Ryerson University professor and outreach worker, told me when asked about the state of the shelter system.

To Crowe—who's been a prolific figure in Toronto's at-risk community for two decades—homelessness in Toronto is at a crisis level. Crowe's thesis is clear: current housing is in Toronto is unaffordable, and the Toronto Community Housing program is billions behind in repairs. The catalyst, in her mind, was the end of the National Affordable Housing Program (axed in 1993 by the Chretien government), but she has hope the Trudeau government will revive it in the face of a national housing crisis.

DuBourdieu has seen the change first-hand. As we left Blythwood, he told me about the cheap hostels and homeless-friendly hotels that populated downtown before gentrification hit the city in places like Parkdale, Kensington Market, and Queen Street East. Now, as an older man, DuBourdieu says "he wouldn't dare" sleep in one of the city's hostels due to amount of money they cost when compared to the amount of the danger they pose.

"I can't defend myself like I used to he," he tells me, opening his palms to show the tough creases that have formed across them. "If I were younger, I'd take the risk of getting beat up or robbed. Why bother nowadays?"

DuBourdieu and I went down to Margaret's that night, one of the two warming centres in the city. Margaret's sits on the corner of Dundas and Sherbourne—a notoriously low-income, crime ridden section of the city and a place that's easily forgotten. Being how mild the weather was, we weren't expecting much of a crowd. DuBourdieu told me most people would be taking advantage of the break in cold by using it panhandle into the early part of the next day.

"Of course, some people just like a good place to take a nap," he told me as we opened the wooden doors to the church Margaret's is housed in. Before they closed, a woman outside, jittering from the buzz of a cigarette, laughed at our conversation.

"Just wait until it's cold," she said.

Thanks to protests last year after two men died by freezing to death, places like Margaret's—normally only open when extreme cold weather alerts are put into effect—are now open January through February. On March 1, the very day warming centres were set to close for the season, a snow storm rolled through Toronto. This time, without DuBourdieu, I marched down Dundas' frozen corridor. High winds and an unending hail of snow blanketed everything in sight. Yet when I arrived at the warming centre, it was emptier than before.

"Most people don't even know it's open," one man outside told me. "They'll probably be pissed when they find out they could have stayed here for the night."

Miscommunication in the streets is frequent, and it's one of things DuBourdieu says is the most maddening part of being homeless. The cycle of waking up every day, taking the single transit token rationed out alongside breakfast at programs like OOTC, heading to the next shelter, sleeping (most of the times in the streets), and doing it all over again becomes routine. But when that routine becomes interrupted—either by personal issues or by losing track of who will be where and what centre is open that night—the process becomes abrasive.

"It's the kind of thing that will drive you to drink, to smoke, to do other . There is no hope for many people, no end. It's just one place to the next, the same goddamn routine every single day. You have to have a place where you can just have peace and quiet and sleep without worrying about tomorrow. A lot of these people don't have that, and it's so, so wrong."

That's what DuBourdieu told me the day after the storm. As we sat on the steps of Margaret's with our legs outstretched in the sun, two men panhandled on the corner. They asked some people passing by for some change, each of them extending a ballcap clutched in their hands. Most declined. The men said thank you anyway. Drifting between our conversation and watching the men, DuBourdieu took deep drags from his cigarette and grimaced at the sight. The sun may have rose and the snow may have melted, but this situation was bigger than a one night in the cold.

Follow Jake Kivanc on Twitter.

Is the EU Debate Just a Lot of Men Shouting at Each Other?

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Photos by Johnson Crosby and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office

Currently, the EU referendum debate looks more like a dick swinging contest than the measured, grown-up discussion it's supposed to be. David Cameron and London Mayor Boris Johnson are in the midst of a civil war. Conservative Iain Duncan Smith, the real firecracker in the debate, has called Cameron "desperate" and accused the government's "In" campaign of being a load of "spin and smear" tactics. On the other side, in the political bromance of the year, Nigel Farage, leader of the UK Independence Party, and George Galloway have put aside their political differences to talk on platforms together.

It seemed that, until the queen was outed as an "outer" by theSun (an accusation that's since been denied), no high profile women had expressed any opinion on the subject whatsoever. Former T4 presenter June Sarpong has been campaigning for women to speak up through the pressure group Women In, and Conservative MP Priti Patel has also been vocal, but as Trades Union Congress General Secretary Frances O'Grady pointed out, "This referendum debate has thus far been dominated by men in suits. We've not heard from ordinary workers—and we've barely heard from any women at all."

We decided to take to the streets on Tuesday—International Women's Day—to ask women if they thought the EU debate really is just an assortment of angry men shouting at each other.

Isabel, 25, Market Researcher

VICE: Do you think the debate is just a load of angry men shouting?
Isabel: That's not something that I've noticed, but thinking through the key players in the debate, I can't think of a high profile woman in either camp.

Should there be more women voicing their opinions in the EU debate?
I think in general there should be more women in political debate, but I don't think the EU debate is something where it's particularly necessary to have a woman's opinion—you just need an informed opinion, regardless of gender.


Laila, 41, PHD Student

Do you think the media coverage of the EU referendum has been especially male-dominated?
Laila: It's ironic, because before I came to the UK from Egypt, there was always this media propaganda that women in the Middle East don't participate in politics and decision-making, but when I came here, I noticed the same thing. The strong representation of women who I imagined within the political system here doesn't exist. I came here to find out that women are also not as well paid as men and that the top management positions are still male-dominated.

If there were more female politicians in the EU debate, would you feel more involved in the discussion?
Yes, I think so, because women are more involved in the details of everyday life, like bringing up kids, studying, and also working a job. In that sense, women can add perspective at least to the decision. It doesn't help to only have men in white collars and suits making decisions for the average person on the street.


Lucy, 23, model

Do you think there's been an equal amount of male and female voices in the political debate so far?
Lucy: I've picked up on the fact the only politicians voicing their opinions are men. Women should speak up more on the issue and get more involved.

Would you like there to be more female voices included in the EU debate?
Yeah, because I think women don't bullshit as much. Right now in politics, things aren't said the way they should be. The kind of rhetoric politicians are using is not attracting the right crowd. It's all got a bit childish, and there's a lack of respect for one another. If women were more vocal, the approach and the rhetoric used would improve.

Antonia, 24, project manager

Do you think the majority of the public are informed about the EU referendum?
Antonia: No. My sister is backing Boris because of the political figure that he is—she likes his personality. I think a lot of other people will be picking a side by the same merit, and I'm not sure that's the way to go. The media today is going to point you in one direction, and if you don't know where to look, you will get fed information that isn't necessarily true.

Is the EU debate just a lot of angry men shouting?
From what I've seen on the news, it is.

Would you be more likely to feel involved in the debate if more women were included in the discussion?
No, I'm not biased in that way, but it would be nice to have more balanced arguments in general, not just on the topic of the EU.

Alice, 28, Receptionist

Do you think the debate so far has just been an assortment of shouty, angry men?
Alice: Thinking of the main players, I think politics in general feels like a lot of shouty, angry men.

Would the debate be more appealing to you if it included more female voices?
No. I would be more interested in hearing people I had more in common with in terms of age range or economic background—not necessarily sex. In terms of who's got the biggest opinions and shouting the loudest, it seems like I can only hear white, middle-class men.


Maria, 48, CEO

Have you been keeping up with the EU referendum debate?
Maria: Yes, because in my line of work, I'm very concerned about workers' rights and their impact on people in the UK.

Do you think the debate so far is just an assortment of angry men shouting?
Being on public transport, you constantly see men's faces next to a headline on the EU. But I tend not to look at the papers. All my information comes from the NGO sector, such as War on Want and 38 degrees. Still, it makes no difference whether you are in the Commons or part of an NGO—the debate is still male-dominated.

Do you think there should be more women speaking up in the EU debate?
I'm very lucky because I work in a very female-dominated environment, so I'm surrounded by opinionated women. The EU debate is concerned with workers' rights and how people are treated—issues that directly affect women. For example, at the moment, the EU governs policies on maternity leave. So it's crucial that women as well as men are involved in the debate.

Follow Amelia on Twitter.

The VICE Guide to Right Now: Mark Zuckerberg Wants the Supreme Court to Uphold Obama's Immigration Policy

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Photo via Wikimedia Commons

Read: Silicon Valley Is Fuming at Donald Trump's Immigration Policies

Mark Zuckerberg's views on immigration are no secret: He's backed legislation that would bring more immigrants with technical degrees to the United States and campaigned to raise the cap on visas for highly skilled workers—a proposal that most tech companies support. In 2013, he co-founded a lobbying group called FWD, which has pooled millions of Silicon Valley dollars into immigration reform. Now that group has filed a court brief to persuade the Supreme Court to uphold policies that let undocumented immigrants stay in the United States.

"Instead of inviting the economic contributions of immigrants, our immigration enforcement policies have often inhibited the productivity of US companies and made it harder for them to compete in the global marketplace," reads the court brief, published yesterday. Along with Zuckerberg, the brief is signed by LinkedIn co-founder Reid Hoffman, Dropbox VP of Engineering Aditya Agarwal, and others.

Tech leaders have long been cheerleaders of immigration reform, mostly because their industry would grind to a halt without immigrants: About a quarter of the technology and engineering companies founded in the US have been spearheaded by immigrants, and research shows immigrants are nearly twice as likely to start their own businesses. Of the founders of Fortune 500 companies, more than 40 percent had immigrant parents or were immigrants themselves.

The court brief points all of this out, adding that it's not just the tech industry. All kinds of businesses "would benefit from politics that afford undocumented individuals—approximately 11 million of whom live in the United States—lawful opportunities to contribute to the American economy."

The Supreme Court is currently deciding whether Obama's executive actions on immigration reform from 2014, which allowed some undocumented immigrants to remain in the United States, were an overstep of presidential power. The policies—in particular, the Deferred Action for Parents of Americans and Lawful Permanent Residents (DAPA) and the expanded Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA)—were challenged in Texas last year, and the case has now ascended to the country's top court. Oral arguments are scheduled to begin in April.

Follow Arielle Pardes on Twitter.

Nick Gazin's Comic Book Love-In #107

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Hello Comic Booklings,

I am Nick Gazin and I review the comics. I am the decider! I know what is good and bad and I can tell you! Now the truth can be told! Here are reviews of ten things.

I provide links for to buy the things but as always, please patronize your local comic and book stores first.

#1. Weird Love: You Know You Want It
Edited by Clizia Gussoni and Craig Yoe (IDW/Yoe Books)

This is a great collection of unintentionally hilarious and bizarre romance comic stories from the 40s, 50s, and 60s. It's titled Weird Love. Isn't all love kind of weird, though? In Devo's song Love Without Anger they sing:

Why can't you have your cake and eat it too / Why believe in things that make it tough on you / Why scream and cry when you know it's through / Why fall in love when there's better things to do

This book is the best old-comics compilation Yoe Books has made yet. It's a nice size and the design choices aren't too obnoxious, but they keep insisting on putting the page numbers inside a big colorful circle. Why do that? Why add unnecessary elements that distract from someone else's work?

The comics in here are incredible. There's "I Fell for a Commie," where a woman falls in love with a guy even though he's a communist. Don't worry though, in the end it turns out he's really an undercover FBI agent.

There's "Love of a Lunatic," about an unhinged woman who falls in love with a sane man.

There's "Taming of the Brute," where a lady believes she's whipped this jerk into submission. When they get married, he reveals it was just a ploy and she's relieved he's still a real man as he spanks her for her insolence. Did I mention that these were originally for little kids?

There's "Mini Must Go," about how women are distracting dudes at work with their short skirts, riding on the mini-skirt craze.

There's "There's No Romance in Rock and Roll," which is about how terrible rock music is as well as the people who like it.

These teens seem awfully well-behaved considering this comic is about how awful rock and roll music is.

There's "Love, Honor, and Swing, Baby," about hippies getting married.

The one that made the most sense to me was "Weep, Clown, Weep!" about a woman who can't understand why her boyfriend would degrade himself by being a clown. I think anyone in the arts knows that feeling.

Buy Weird Love.

#2. No Dogs on Beach
By Brad Elterman (Bywater Bros. Editions and Smoke Room)

Brad Elterman is one of maybe five good rock photographers. This little book collects photos of pretty and famous musicians in California from the 70s to now. Sparks, the Ramones, Tyler the Creator, Debbie Harry, along with Steve Jones's dick in a speedo as he rises out of a swimming pool. All the musicians who are cool to photograph are in this cool book being cool and photographed.

Buy No Dogs on Beach.

#3. Common Side Effects
By Ed Templeton (Deadbeat Club)

Ed Templeton is the skateboard man who photographed his way into the world's heart. He makes a lot of photo zines, and this is definitely one of them. It's got lots of pix of beach scenes, including a cop catching a seal in a net.

Buy Common Side Effects.

#4. Hawd Tales #1
By Devin Flynn (Revival House Press)

This is a total rip-off/homage of Real Deal Comics, and you know what? I am fine with that.

Buy Hawd Tales.

#5. Lon Chaney Talks
By Pat Dorian

This is a fun little cartoony biographical comic about Lon Chaney, the man of a thousand faces. The art style is sort of like Seth's, and the story goes back and forth between actual testimonials and made-up stories. Fun stuff.

Buy Lon Chaney Talks.

#6. Uncle Scrooge and Donald Duck "Return to Plain Awful" and Uncle Scrooge and Donald Duck "The Son of the Sun"
By Don Rosa (Fantagraphics)

These books are hard for me to look at, like op art. They feel like a cheap imitation of Carl Barks. Carl Barks was a comic-book genius with a perfect line and economical mark-making. Don Rosa is imitating Barks as closely as he can, but it still feels off. It seems like drawing cartoon Disney ducks isn't his natural inclination. When he gets the chance, he draws all these extra lines and tries to add more detail than is consistent with Carl Barks. One side of him is struggling to imitate Barks while another side of him is struggling to break free of the confines of working in another artist's style.

Buy Uncle Scrooge.

#7. DLTLPS
By Gabriel Corbera (Space Face Books)

There are some OK pages and textures occasionally, but ultimately this is all style and no substance. Big nothing.

Buy DLTLPS.

#8. Mould Map 4: Eurozone Special

Why is it cool to draw bad on purpose? A lot of people claim to like this now. In five years it will be forgotten and another new bad thing will be the bad thing everyone tries to pretend to love.

Buy Mould Map.

#9. Arts
Edited by Nate "Igor" Smith

This is a little zine collecting photos of artists that Nate "Igor" Smith took, along with pieces of art by the artists he photographed. My sister and I are in here, and we are the only good artists. Riffing on the "draw this turtle" ad has been done to death and is not an interesting idea. Don't buy this.

Buy Arts.

#10. Omaha Beach on D-Day
By Robert Capa, Jean-David Morvan, and Severine Trefouel (First Second)

The first half of this book is about the storming of Normandy from the point of view of Robert Capa, a photographer who documented it. The second half of the book are his photos of D-Day and some essays about him.

This book feels like it's trying to do too many things at once. Just because something could be a comic doesn't mean that it should be. The subject is interesting, the photos are good, the drawings are good, the writing's OK.

I also think the computer-inserted dialogue balloons look cheap and outlandish on the organic-looking drawings.

Buy Omaha Beach on D-Day.

Follow Nick Gazin on Instagram and check back next week for more reviews.



The Puzzling ‘Hitman GO’ Is an Addictive Alternative to Its Parent Game

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There's a new Hitman game out, and I love it. No, no—not that one. Besides, we can't talk about that one yet. (Embargoes, and everything.) I mean Hitman GO—and, no doubt, you're about to tell me that it's not new. And you're right, sort of.

The original mobile puzzler—in which the franchise's Agent 47 moves on rails around a board to position himself for the hit, while every turn you take also allows enemies to move—came out in April 2014 for iOS before being ported to Android a few months later and Windows the following year. Its reception was fantastic—visually, its board game-like graphics and solid-feeling pieces impressed, and with each layout featuring a number of objectives to tick off, replaying previously seen stages was never dull. It was liked, loved in some quarters, and its place as one of the more uniquely compelling titles within the Hitman franchise was assured.

So, really, it made sense for its makers at Square Enix Montréal to produce a Definitive Edition of Hitman GO, which snuck out at the end of February for PlayStation 4 and Vita. I've been playing it at home, steadily checking objectives, meticulously counting moves so as to score maximum points. Unlike the "main" Hitman games, which I find fairly stressful, GO is more meditative—it only moves when you do, and instant restarts mean failures need never linger. I can't get enough of it, and it's definitely influencing my feelings on the new Hitman proper—while I can't comment on its qualities right now, I absolutely feel more attached to IO Interactive's episodic triple-A release since beginning GO than I did beforehand.

GO's Definitive Edition expands the single-payment package to 90 levels delivered in sharper detail. It looks gorgeous on the PS4, its subtle flair extending to the game-box level-select screen. I spoke to Square Enix Montréal's technical director Antoine Routon and brand manager Gen St-Onge about taking Agent 47 from the big to the small screen, and back again.

'Hitman GO: Definitive Edition,' launch trailer

VICE: So you have this famous stealth assassination franchise, covering several console generations, and you guys turn it into a digital board game. How does that conversation even begin?
Antoine Routon: So, Square Enix Montréal was originally created to develop the new triple-A Hitman that's coming out. But then things got changed around a bit, and the project switched to IO, in Denmark, and we were asked to focus on a mobile title. And when we started on what would become Hitman GO, we were literally just told to make a game within the Hitman universe that would work on mobile. We had all of this understanding of the franchise, as we'd been working on the bigger game for a year at that stage, so we knew what the game was about. At the same time, we had people in the team with experience of making mobile games, and they understood the constraints of the medium. So instead of going for a mobile copy of what you see on consoles, we knew we had to approach this differently. We had to preserve what we knew of Hitman, and transpose it in a different way.

Daniel Lutz, the creative director on Hitman GO, his initial impulse was to distill the Hitman experience, to bring its essence to mobile. And then we started to think: maybe we can make this a puzzle game? Maybe this can be turn-based? And that would work well with the stealth gameplay—that can fit within a turn-based puzzle framework. Some people thought it was a crazy idea, but as we were toying with it, we saw that, actually, this could work. We began to see a way to translate each mechanic of Hitman to a turn-based system. You'll see some of these mechanics very early on in the game, like using stones and balls to distract enemies, hiding places, and the different enemy types with different patterns to learn. All of these things just worked. So that was the first step. As we were progressing with the production, another element that became really important was adding our own touch to the franchise. So, you see the game's aesthetic, its architecture, the whole freeze-frame figurines and everything—that's definitely not part of the franchise before our game. But we thought they were a great addition, and they've combined to form this fresh interpretation of what the franchise is.

So, understanding the source material was massively important, and so too was knowing that we needed to distill this down, so it fitted on the mobile platform. And then we needed to find our own interpretation of what made the franchise so appealing.

You mention the aesthetics of the game. It does look like a physical tabletop game, albeit split across several highly detailed boards. Did that come about because of you testing how it would play using actual game pieces?
There are many reasons why it ended up that way, and I can't really pinpoint when we ultimately decided to take that game in that visual direction. We knew we wanted the physicality of a board game. And the other thing is when we were working on the triple-A Hitman game, our art director of the time really wanted to emphasize the "manliness" of Agent 47, the game's masculinity. We were putting attention on the quality of his suits, the material of his guns. We were taking this almost James Bond-like approach to making Agent 47, and in a way that translated to Hitman GO, albeit in a very different way. We were talking, early on, about the game needing to be made of these "nice" things; and when we translated that into this board game, we wanted it to look like an object that a guy might really want in his man cave, you know? We wanted it to look desirable.

Read on Motherboard: Play as a M17 Hacker in This Cyber Espionage Simulator

You say that some in the team thought GO was a crazy idea. But the game was massive on mobile, in the end. How did it feel, internally, to see that amazing reception for this game that could easily have been seen as a spin-off, and little more?
Well, first of all I have to say that we got very lucky. We're thankful of that. And with hindsight, it's easy to see some of the ways in which we had an appealing game. GO is true to the Hitman franchise, and we'd worked so hard to capture that—so even though the gameplay was new, we felt fans wouldn't be alienated by it. They'll find that it is truly Hitman. So there's a lot of details in there, from the music to the mechanics, to many small things inspired by the previous Hitman games.

But what we did was also unexpected—and when you do things that people don't expect, but it's relevant, then that's compelling. There was no way to predict that we'd strike the right balance with the audience, but we had a hunch, and time told us that we weren't too wrong.

Article continues after the video below

Related: Watch our interview with an actual assassin

I can see Hitman GO as a pretty great way into the franchise. I certainly know people who've tweeted that it's their favorite of any Hitman game. Do you think because it plays so differently to the "main" games, and is in many respects a lot more approachable—it's not terrifically violent, it doesn't have a load of buttons to learn, and so on—that it can be a gateway for newcomers to get into the other releases?
Yeah, we've seen it become a door for people to get into the franchise. We receive emails from people telling us that they'd never played a Hitman game before, but through GO they've gotten into the universe. That's really rewarding. And we've totally seen people tweeting that it's their favorite of all the Hitman games, and that is really cool. But we had a rich universe to draw upon. In a way, it's the same thing you see in the Lego games, where they take something you know and twist it. And from a consumer perspective, that's always interesting.

The Definitive Edition of GO is the complete package, so to speak—all the levels, all at once, no in-game purchases, done. Is that really the point of the release, to round up everything in the game to this point and present it to both new and existing audiences?
There was no one, main reason to do it, but people had been asking us for it, and we figured that was as good a reason as any. We had Vita users wanting it, and if we were doing Vita there was no reason not to do PS4, too. That gave us more screen space, so we could up the quality. So, it made sense. It was really just: why not? It was a cool thing to do. Because the game was made for mobile, we had to put a lot of extra time into making it work on console, so that it works with a controller.

Hitman GO has moved from mobile to console. Does that mean that we'll see another of your smartphone successes, Lara Croft GO, make the same transition?
It's too soon to say! Dot, dot, dot... connect the dots.

And in terms of adding content to GO that reflects the story of the new Hitman, is that something you're talking about?
We're not able to say, but I'll write this idea down now, and maybe use it later—you can take some of the credit. But I can't comment on that, right now.

Gen St-Onge: We're working with IO, and considering possibilities. We have a very close relationship with the other Hitman studios. Another of our games, Hitman: Sniper, will get some updates. But GO, right now, isn't, at least at this time.

Hitman GO: Definitive Edition is out now for PlayStation Vita and PlayStation 4. You can find more information at the game's official website.

Follow Mike Diver on Twitter.


We Asked Experts About Ontario’s Plan to Give People Free Money

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Photo via Flickr user rick.

In its recently announced budget, the Ontario government committed to a project that would give people free money, otherwise known as a basic income.

While the details are scarce, the idea of a basic income is that everyone gets a certain amount of cash for essentials like food and housing. It can also help streamline other forms of social assistance, like disability and welfare.

According to the budget, "the pilot project will test a growing view at home and abroad that a basic income could build on the success of minimum wage policies and increases in child benefits by providing more consistent and predictable support in the context of today's dynamic labour market." (By "dynamic", they likely mean shitty and overwhelmed with precarious work.)

A basic income plan has been trendy in progressive policy circles in recent years with Finland (all hail liberal wet dream Scandinavia) leading the way.

At this point, you're probably thinking there has to be a catch—the government isn't going to go around writing cheques for citizens just 'cause.

Well, actually, that's entirely possible.

Jenna van Draanen, a board member with the Basic Income Earth Network, which advocates for systems like these, told VICE there are two general options: a universal demogrant, through which everybody gets a fixed amount of money, and a negative income tax model, where people who fall below a certain income level get a top-up.

Unlike with traditional social assistance programs, like welfare, you wouldn't have to prove you're out of work or even that you're looking for a job, to qualify.

"It really empowers people to use money for things they want to prioritize and it offers people more flexibility," van Draanen said.

Added Laura Anderson, a researcher at the Wellesley Institute, a Toronto-based think tank, "if basic income is done right it could eliminate poverty."

But there are few historical examples for the Ontario government to call on.

One of them was a project held in Manitoba in the 70s called Mincome, which was largely considered success, though data is still being analyzed.

From 1974 to 1979, the poorest residents in the town of Dauphin were given monthly cheques from the government. Findings revealed hospital visits declined, mental health improved, there was less domestic abuse, and male high school students were less likely to drop out of school in search of a job.

"People have more ability to control the things that make them unhealthy when they have access to the income that they need," said van Draanen. "They can live in safer, more stable housing, there's a bit of a buffer in case of emergencies, people can purchase healthy food... and have some agency over things like education."

While critics suggest a basic income scheme might demotivate the jobless from finding work, van Draanen said research shows that's really only been the case in the aforementioned high school dropout scenario and when new mothers used the income to take longer maternity leaves.

"We consider both of those to be pretty positive changes in the labour market. They represent investments in the future economy and in people's health and social well-being."

It's possible the province will roll programs like Ontario Works, disability pay and employment insurance into the basic income scheme, but Anderson said she wouldn't advocate for "putting everything into one basket." (Doing that means there's a chance some people would miss out on additional benefits to which they're entitled.)

The province plans on developing a model for the pilot this year, with a goal of testing whether or not having a basic income could result in savings in areas like health care and housing support.

Follow Manisha Krishnan on Twitter.

Why Are There Still Male-Only Scholarships in Canada?

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Photo via Flickr user Quinn Dombrowski

Tanya Adrusieczko, a former master's student at the University of Saskatchewan, hoped to apply for the a scholarship to attend the London School of Economic and Political Science (LSE). Her grades were superb, and she'd already been admitted to the renowned school. But, she lacked one significant criteria to be eligible for the Benjamin J. Sanderson award: she didn't have a dick.

"Ultimately, the message was that 'You're ineligible because you're not a man,'" Adrusieczko told VICE. "These scholarships are clearly privileging a group that already has privilege."

The Sanderson Fellowship, a $5,000 award available to only to males in the Political Studies College at the University of Saskatchewan who wish to study at LSE, is the most lucrative undergrad award in the poli-sci program, as well as the only gender-specific scholarship.

As her grades, admittance to LSE, and proposed area of study had all met the award's criteria, Adrusieczko wrote a letter to the awards office at her university to dispute the penis requirement, hoping to find a resolution.

"They conceded that the award was out of date and problematic, and out of step with public interests," she said. "But, they had to go through the legal team to officially change it. So, they said I could file the paperwork, but I wouldn't be considered because of this stipulation."

Gender-based awards aren't uncommon at universities across Canada. A quick search reveals that most universities have gender-designated scholarships and awards of some kind, the majority of which favour women (in 2010, The Globe and Mail reported finding 976 for women only, 192 for men).

The University of Saskatchewan presides over 35 academic undergrad scholarships designated specifically for women. Additionally, along with the Sanderson, the Burnell Men's Wear Bursary and the Sarah Jane Abrey Bursaries are only eligible for male U of S students.

But Is It a Human Rights Violation?

In February, an Ontario judge overruled a deceased doctor's attempt to establish university scholarships exclusively for white, single, heterosexual students, ruling that the stipulations conflict with public policy.

Typically, these kinds of scholarships (that discriminate based on gender, race, sexual orientation, etc.) violate modern human rights policies, unless there is evidence that discrimination for that group still exists. But the conditions of these scholarships isn't so easy to fix.

"The challenge here is that scholarships are often funded by wealthy people, who are almost always near the end of their life, and will be blithely unaware that they can't pick and choose who they want to favour," Ken Norman, a Saskatchewan human rights lawyer, told VICE.

With the Benjamin J. Sanderson Fellowship, as is the case with a majority of scholarships and awards, the terms of the donation is usually based from a donor's will, says Norman. A will must be changed if it's a violation of public policy and if a judge finds the terms to be discriminatory. The judge may then essentially rewrite those terms of the will to keep the intent of the estate but ensure it's non-discriminatory.

In Ontario, the Human Rights Commission has created a special policy for awards and scholarships, reading: "criteria such a race, ancestry, sex should not be the basis for deciding who get a scholarships, unless particular exceptions apply." Those particularity exceptions are where "differential treatment" and "burdens or disadvantages" are still found.

"If it names something like gender, chances are it's a violation of a human rights code. What's the justification for giving a scholarship for only men?" Norman said. Yet, gender-based awards stick around because the policy isn't quite black and white. Special programs in human rights codes allow for certain provisions to be made when one group is underrepresented or has been historically discriminated against. The growing majority of women in universities might account for the continued existence of male-only scholarships, which, as Morgan explains, is still a violation.

"The only basis for the special programs is to overcome a history of discrimination. There's no other basis. Unless you have evidence that this continues to be a discriminatory institution, there's no case for a special program," he said.

Each province's human rights code has policy prohibiting the discrimination based on sex. Yet, Norman explained that most institutions are unwilling to commit the time and resources to an audit.

"The sad truth is that lots of institutions don't do very rigorously. Usually it goes along until someone blows the whistle on them," he said.

Some universities, such as the University of Manitoba and the University of Alberta have been more proactive in reexamining their scholarships, creating policy that ensures new scholarships adhere to their respective human rights codes.

Saskatchewan doesn't have any specific policies to address awards like the Sanderson Fellowship, but the awards office at the U of S claims to monitor the gender balances to ensure fairness in scholarships.

"We're looking to help re-balance women or men in areas in which they are typically underrepresented," Wendy Klingenberg, associate registrar of student awards and finance at the U of S, said. "Once a population in a discipline reaches that 51-52 percent mark and is relatively stable for a few years, then we would consider that education equity requirement to be achieved, and so we would stop."

Klingenberg explained that that a circumstance like Adrusieczko's, where one disputes the parameters of a scholarship, is quite rare. The Sanderson Fellowship has been offered since 1946.

Female-Only Academic Scholarships Also A Point of Contention

According to Statistics Canada, women account for 59 percent of 25-34-year-old Canadians with a university degree, and have been the majority of post-secondary graduates since 1991. Women represent nearly two-thirds of Canadians aged 25-34 with a medical degree, 67 percent in social sciences and law, and 75 percent of education-related degrees.

Conversely, science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and computer science are only represented with 39 percent of female students. Most universities make it a priority to offer female-only scholarships in STEM fields of study.

"It seems odd to me that there needs to be an award for women in disciplines which they are well-represented. Rather than seeing it as discriminatory, I thought it was a little bit demeaning that women need a special award, as if they couldn't compete on their own merit," Marcel D'Eon, Faculty at the U of S College of Medicine, told VICE.

"I think it's becoming less and less acceptable to define genders. And so making those distinctions, I think, will soon pass away," he said. "I don't know that we'll ever have a level playing field for underrepresented minorities, but I'm not sure those types of targeted scholarships are the way to go."

But some think there is still a place for gender-targeted scholarships. Adrusieczko, who was denied a scholarship based on gender, believes certain female-only scholarships can help foster gender equity in certain disciplines.

"I would object to the idea that looking at admission numbers is a measure of equity—it never tells the whole picture," she said.

"Scholarships should be considering how systemic oppression operates in university. My objection with the Sanderson is that it continues to privilege men in a field where feminist analysis has long been marginalized, and masculine political behaviour is treated as universal."

Alberta Man’s Defence in Double Murder Trial: Victims Aren’t Even Dead

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Travis Vader arrives at court in Edmonton on Tuesday, March 8, 2016. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Amber Bracken

The lawyer for an alleged meth head accused of murdering an elderly Alberta couple claims his client is innocent because the couple may not even be dead.

Former oil field worker Travis Vader, 44, has pleaded not guilty to the first-degree murders of Lyle, 78, and Marie McCann, 77, a pair of seniors from the Edmonton area who went missing July 3, 2010. The couple was last seen gassing up and buying groceries for their planned road trip to BC to visit family. They never arrived.

Their vehicles, a motorhome found on fire west of the city and a Hyundai Tucson they were towing, were later discovered, but their bodies have never been found.

As Vader's trial began Tuesday in Edmonton, his attorney Brian Beresh argued there's reasonable doubt that the McCanns are even deceased, according to the Canadian Press. Even if they were killed, Beresh told the court "authorities picked the wrong villain" in their rush to pin the crime on someone.

"The names of those suspects will be revealed at this trial."

The Crown prosector, Jim Stewart, said Vader "squandered" away the oil money he used to support his family (a wife and nine kids) on crystal meth. At the time the McCanns went missing, Stewart said Vader was wanted by police for arson and break-ins and was living in the bush. He was busted on those lesser charges in 2010 and later sentenced to 33 months in jail, but wasn't charged with the McCanns' murders for almost another two years.

Stewart said Vader was seen driving the McCanns' Tucson, a claim he said is supported by DNA evidence. He also said Vader used the couple's cellphone to contact his girlfriend at the time.

Vader's journey to the courtroom has faced numerous hiccups.

He was convicted of drug trafficking and theft in 2012, but the judge declared a mistrial—he was found not guilty at the second trial.

In 2014, a Crown stayed the murder charges against him because the RCMP neglected to properly disclose all the evidence from their investigations to lawyers.

Twice that year, Vader sued the RCMP, alleging the case against him was a "witch hunt."

Follow Manisha Krishnan on Twitter.

Why Is Everyone in China Flipping Out Over This Rom-Com About a Mermaid?

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Stephen Chow's environmental rom-com about a mermaid, The Mermaid, has just become China's highest-earning film of all time. Since opening a little over a month ago, it's earned 3.2 billion yuan ($500 million), far exceeding Chow's other blockbusters, Shaolin Soccer (2001) and Kung Fu Hustle (2004) among them.

Although the Cantonese comedian-turned-director's trademark " mo lei to" absurdist comedy has made him wildly popular in China, the chart-spiking popularity of The Mermaid somehow demands further explanation. As of this writing, The Mermaid has a 7.3 rating with 233,955 votes on the Chinese equivalent of Rotten Tomatoes (Douban.com), while Star Wars: The Force Awakens has barely half that number of votes.

Notably, The Mermaid is not pure escapist entertainment. The ills it addresses—environmental pollution and rampant speculation against the backdrop of a widening income gap—are impossible-to-ignore facts of everyday experience for a Chinese audience. The film opens with a montage of documentary-style footage: sludge pouring from factory pipes, oil-smothered animals, dolphins being herded up for slaughter. A destructive sonar machine, commissioned by the ruthless land tycoon Liu Xuan (Deng Chao), is being deployed to drive sea animals away from a protected sanctuary he wants to develop. Desperate to regain access to the sea, the merpeople hatch a plan to send mermaid Shan Shan (Jelly Lin) to assassinate Liu Xuan and shut off the sonar, but predictably, the plan is foiled when Shan Shan falls in love and refuses to kill Liu Xuan. Remorseful, she weeps beneath a green tank where a merboy floats, unconscious, open sores covering his small body.

As I watched, I wondered why the government would sanction and even promote an environmental film highlighting problems directly resulting from government policies. The image of the boy must be incredibly resonant with Chinese families who can no longer allow their children to play outside because of air pollution. But according to Sam Geall, editor of China and the Environment: The Green Revolution (Zed Books 2013), none of this is surprising: The environment has long been a permitted space for criticism and debate, because the government is "keen to show it shares public concerns," though only to an extent. Geall cites a case from 2015 when a CCTV journalist named Chai Jing released a documentary about air pollution that went viral and was even praised by China's top environmental minister before it was abruptly pulled by censors. Geall says this example illustrates the fine "balancing act" that cultural works must face.

Eveline Chao, a former editor of China International Business who wrote a fascinating essay about her relationship with her censor, agrees that the government knows that pollution and the unaffordability of real estate are central anxieties in Chinese life, and that a certain amount of discussion needs to occur, insofar as the conversations remain lukewarm. Chao—who has not yet seen the film—believes that if The Mermaid had been a drama "that connected the dots a little more between real-estate developers and the government officials they're usually in cahoots with, it would have a lot more trouble passing the censors."

Photo courtesy of Sony Pictures

I left the film thinking about the "veiled criticality" of art under repressive governments, to quote Martha Rosler, and how naturalized viewers learn to read beneath allegory and symbolism. It's an almost existential joke when Liu Xuan, stuck in traffic and unable to rescue Shan Shan, yells into the smoggy abyss: "Is anyone in charge here?" And in one of the pivotal scenes, where Liu Xuan, newly reformed, rushes into the boardroom to demand that the sonar be shut off, we see just outside the floor-to-ceiling windows, a blurry, dismal construction site at the edge of a forest. The critique dwells safely within the limits of the allegorical while the real anxieties, however obscured, remain just outside the window.

There is a theory called the Benign Violation Theory, which posits that humor happens when you pair a transgression with something harmless, creating a structure in which to enjoy the incongruity. Such a theory accounts for humor's ability to soothe, provide release, and make us feel better. The Mermaid does a remarkably good job of smoothing over violation with a whole lot of platitudes and placating. Shan Shan's speech where she asks what good money would do in a world without clean air and water may as well have been lifted from a greenwashed Exxon-Mobil commercial. There's just enough substance there to generate frisson, but not enough to incite action. Does the final violent standoff between the merpeople and the money-crazed, AK-wielding capitalists recall the documentary The Cove, or does it conjure images of mass executions? Filtered through the absurdist choreography and Lisa Frank CGI, all this bloodshed only seems a little bit terrible, the way cartoon characters can be gleefully tortured without consequence.

Perhaps the success of The Mermaid is just this: It serves a cathartic function, providing an anxious Chinese audience with an opportunity to laugh at their daily injustices, pairing an everyday violation with a larger dose of fairy tale, one in which everything will work out in the end. The sonars will be switched off, the good guys will win, the bad guys lose. And even though the death toll was high and the future is gloomy, everyone can at least enjoy this one last leap into the ocean.

Follow Anelise on Twitter.


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