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The Terminator and Me: A Day Out at Arnie’s $2,100 Meet and Greet

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Yes his acting is mechanical, his muscles implausible, and his segue into right-wing politics mired by sex scandals and incompetence, but it's still difficult to hate Arnold Schwarzenegger. The 68-year-old Austrian oak remains a modern day renaissance man; he turns terrible movies into brilliant ones by himself being terrible, sort of how two odd numbers always add to make an even one. Plenty of action stars have fallen from stardom since the release of his first big film Conan the Barbarian in 1982, while Arnie has just gotten more famous with each passing year.

Which is why I was somewhat surprised to see the two-term California governor announce Edinburgh and Birmingham, UK, meet-and-greet sessions, proffering "An Experience with Arnold Schwarzenegger." These black-tie soirees promised a big band orchestra, an Arnie impressionist, and a "breathtaking Schwarzenegger entrance" alongside an upscale, à la carte meal. Ticket prices range from £100 to £1,500 "VIP" tickets don't include a personal "hello" from Arnie.

By the time I'd logged on the website, the event was almost entirely sold-out.

Schwarzenegger's hardly blazing a trail when it comes to such occasions. "Evening with..." events are enjoying something of a reboot. Olexy Productions, the Yorkshire firm behind the this one, has brought Al Pacino, Jean-Claude Van Damme, Sly Stallone, and Mike Tyson to our shores recently, for sit-down Q&As with Jonathan Ross types in front of a whooping audience. In a world where people care more about their Instagram likes than they do about happiness, charging a fortune for a quick snap and a high five may be the future of fandom.

You have to wonder what's in it for Arnie, though. Money, sure. But for a chap worth an estimated $200 million, is jetting in from California only to recycle some anecdotes and have drunks from Birmingham throw their arm around you worth a few extra bucks? And who exactly are these people forking over a month's pay for a stilted, five-second meet-and-greet with an actor whose last truly good film, the undisputed Christmas classic Jingle All The Way, came out in 1996.

I decided to pop along to Birmingham and find out.

Two Roxy Mitchells and a sad looking terrorist

By the time I arrive at Birmingham's International Conference Centre, the lines are already snaking out the main hall and down a few flights of stairs. Everyone is extravagantly dressed but in quite a shitty way, as if en route to a high school prom.

Once inside, Arnie is everywhere. There's Terminator pinball, offbeat Arnie artwork, and plenty of car-sized signage sporting his chiseled mug. The atmosphere is all a bit confused. The dress code (and ticket price) gives the impression of a swanky dinner. The wall-to-wall branding and merch makes it more like Comic Con for action nerds.

There's a VIP section, with flush inhabitants slurping shots of black liquid through a straw. I'm soon informed it's a hot new health craze, activated charcoal, something that'll turn your poo black (this is a good thing, apparently). "People often think it will taste of burnt sugar," says the PR guy. "But it really doesn't." He's right. It tastes like watery charcoal.

It's there I bump into Alex Reid (he of cage-fighting fame) with his tightlipped squeeze, Nikki Manashe. Reid, who cribbed his questionably-spelled nickname "Reidernater" from Schwarzenegger, gushes to me about his Austrian idol.

Alex and Nikki

"I love films," he says, four buttons of his shirt undone. "I grew up on them. Schwarzenegger and Van Damme are my heroes. I'm an actor. I went to acting school. That physical presence he has—it's his acting, his physique. It's just inspiring. Wow!"

Before heading into the auditorium, I spot an impressive bit of Arnie artwork, set to be sold in tonight's auction and made exclusively from nails. I approach its creator, Marcus Levine, a surly looking man sporting headwear that resembles a leather condom. Before I can open my mouth he says, "I can't tell you how many nails, I don't count them," before wandering off. "He's so bloody stressed," his friend apologizes.

Inside, the auditorium is drenched in purple UV and (electric) candlelight, every corner guarded by a life-sized Terminator, or else a wandering impersonator whose prosthetically made-up face makes it look like he's been in an accident. Stage left, a swing band schizophrenically flits between covers of Frank Sinatra, Nirvana, and the theme tune Postman Pat. At the tables, besuited attendees—around 80 percent male—knock back bottles of Peroni, champagne, and what looks like slow-cooked lamb. I wouldn't know. My pockets aren't deep enough to afford the tea.

The auction lots are announced on-stage (Conan sword, Terminator exo-skull, too many signed movie posters to mention), and I chat to a proud 40-year-old fanboy named Ross. His parents drove him up from Kent. His ticket set him back £500 , which scored him dinner, early entry, and a table near the stage. Still, he's crossing his fingers for first prize in the raffle: a meet-and-greet with Schwarzenegger.


"Oh, mate, that'd do me—it'd make my day," Ross beams, resplendent in a kilt and knee-high socks. "I've been a fan of his since his bodybuilding days, and I've got so much memorabilia, it's unreal.

"I work at the college, North West Kent, and I think if I actually got to meet him I'd ask if he'd go to the college and do a talk."

Nearby, I notice a skin-headed pensioner, trying in vain to take a photo of himself with a replica of Predator. "I won £100,000 on a scratcher in December," says Eric, 69, who drove to the Midlands from Clapham North yesterday. "I've got every single one of his movies. I'm going into the auction. I want his leather jacket."

Minutes later, and after sales of a poster for £2,200 , Eric makes good on his promise: winning Arnie leathers for a cool two thousand. "I'd have gone to three," he smirks, hands still quivering.

Then it's showtime, and following an opening monologue by "celebrity interviewer" Jenni Falconer (who after Googling I can tell you hosts the 6-8 AM shift weekends on Heart Radio, once did a photoshoot with FHM, and appeared on the first series of Splash), there's a five-minute intro video, a thick cloud of dry ice, and finally, Arnold Schwarzenegger. The crowd's cheers are thunderous, yet the people might wish to query the "breathtaking entrance" they were promised by the website, as it amounted to Arnie walking on-stage and waving. Anyway, he sits, makes a joke about the smoke, yells "GET TO DER CHOPPAEURGH!" and we're underway.

Among the inevitable volley of catchphrases, Schwarzenegger holds court on topics as broad as the planned Twins and Conan sequels, his stint in government ("I worked seven years for free"), and how OJ Simpson was originally pegged for the role of the Terminator ("I said, 'Maybe he's not believable enough.' Little did I know..."). Even Donald Trump gets a shout out, though the mic suddenly goes haywire when Arnie is asked about his chances.

Once the technical issues are resolved, Arnie, not missing a beat, says: "I told you I'd be back." Cue laughter. Applause. More cheers. Schwarzenegger wears a constant grin, though whether he's genuinely enjoying this—or simply playing the role of a man who needs to tolerate repeating decade-old slogans before leaving with a bag of cash—remains unconfirmed.

On the tables, plenty are on their third bottle of merlot, and a large portion are busy fiddling with their smartphones—taking pictures of Schwarzenegger on stage, filming bits of the Q&A, or else just watching it through the fully-zoomed, pixelated screen. I also count at least five people browsing Facebook or Twitter seemingly uninterested in the thing they just paid hundreds of pounds to see.

Then Arnie disappears back to the VIP section where the meet-and-greet's afoot. YouTuber Lord Aleem, a millionaire teenager who vlogs about sports cars, is first to emerge, clutching a glossy photograph with him and a sweaty Arn. "To be honest with you, I haven't watched as many Arnie movies as most people, but he is definitely one of the most inspirational figures I have ever met," he says, explaining he didn't actually have to pay for his ticket as he was invited. "He told me never think that anything's impossible, always have the vision, and if you work at it you'll get there—which is right. OK, so it's everything we already know, basically, but his voice does sound amazing."

I'm consistently told I'm not allowed into the meet-and-greet's inner sanctum, not even for a peek, but with a professional looking camera in one hand, press lanyard in the other (and by sneaking through an unlocked door), I'm in.

Schwarzenegger sips champagne between posing for photos, engaging in hollow chitchat with his fans. Schwarzenegger's a fascinating chap, but how deep can you go in a conversation that spans 16 seconds? Most just tell him how they, specifically, are the biggest fans: "We came all the way from Australia to see you," says one couple. "We're brother and sister, we never see each other unless it's to watch one of your films," goes another.

Eventually, the throng is shooed away, and I find myself in a (probably) once-in-a-lifetime position: alone in a room with Arnold Schwarzenegger.

"Thank you, Mr. Schwarzenegger. Thank you for your portrayal of Howard Langston in the seminal 1996 Christmas movie Jingle All The Way. I don't care that it has a 17 percent rating on Rotten Tomatoes, you and I both know it was ahead of its time and will one day be celebrated as the single greatest piece of festive cinema."

That is what I wish I had said. But I don't say that. Those words don't pop into my head until I'm half way down Broad Street. Instead, as Arnie's imposing 6'2" frame looms over me and his nervous looking PR team exchange concerned glances at the door, I instead merely shake his massive paw and fire off a quick photo—as tongue-tied and unoriginal as everybody else.

But what of the hundreds of others here who didn't even get to meet Arnie? Someone told me earlier that these ritzy affairs are how megastars like Schwarzenegger "give something back" to their fanbase. But if that were true, he'd do it for nothing, right? It's not beyond him. He did exactly that in a California government office for seven years, and speaks of it like a badge of honor. Really this was just the grim endgame of celebrity culture, squeezing cash out of your most loyal supporters, and offering them little spectacle in return. Madame Tussauds, only this time with humans.

As I pass Lord Aleem playing on his phone in the hallway, I wonder how long it will be before people pay £400 for the chance to bid on his leather jackets.


Australian Politics Has a Sexual Harassment Problem

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Former NSW Labor General Secretary Jamie Clements was accused of sexual misconduct by Stefanie Jones. Image via

This article originally appeared on VICE Australia.

Australian politics is full of smart, ambitious women. Female staffers and advisors work hard behind the scenes, but the people in charge—the MPs, the ministers, and the party bosses—are still overwhelmingly men. This power imbalance creates a toxic culture wherein women feel they can't speak out about sexual harassment for fear of jeopardizing their careers. I know this because I worked in politics.

During my time as a staffer for the Greens, I heard stories of serious sexual harassment committed by high profile people across the political spectrum. None of them was ever made public. Once a state MP's chief of staff was accused of harassing and stalking a female employee and even breaking into her home. He eventually left his job but never faced disciplinary action. Speak to almost anyone involved in Australian politics and he or she will tell you the same thing: What's been publicly reported is only the tip of the iceberg.

According to nearly a dozen current and former staffers, party officials, and MPs I spoke to for this story, a powerful protection racket exists designed to shield politicians and power brokers in all the major political parties from claims of sexual harassment. It's just standard procedure when a woman speaks up about inappropriate behavior.

One former staffer, who had complained about harassment by her boss, explained to me that, "As a staffer you're expected to put up with anything. You're exempt from workplace protections. You have your job because of loyalty but it's often loyalty that goes one way."

In politics, victims of harassment are regularly hushed by senior figures in their parties, who are the people they work for and look up to. Even if there's no direct order to not talk, most staffers and MPs told me they always have the impression they couldn't go public without risking getting fired. "It's all about loyalty," one said. "If you make a complaint you're disloyal, and you will be accused of making it up."

The fear of backlash is widespread. Almost all of the women I spoke to didn't want to speak on the record, because of the way they've seen other women treated by politicians and the media.

When staffer Stefanie Jones first accused former NSW Labor General Secretary Jamie Clements of harassment, she had no idea it would spark an internal brawl that would go all the way to the top of the ALP. Jones alleged that Clements entered her workplace after hours, prevented her from leaving, and demanded she kiss him. (Clements has never been charged and denies the allegations.) Only one Labor MP, Lynda Voltz, spoke up to publicly defend Jones and to demand Clements stand aside for an independent investigation.

Voltz told me that too many Labor politicians relied on Jamie Clements and the power he wielded for their jobs, and that's why they were unwilling to speak out. "MPs won't speak up in order to protect themselves. Certain politicians are only there because of Jamie Clements." Voltz said. "It goes on unabated. Women are vulnerable because when you have a dynamic as you do in politics there's a power imbalance."

Eventually the matter came to a head when Jones gave a tell-all interview to the Daily Telegraph, detailing the way powerful party figures attempted to shut her down and "make it go away." On the day Jones went public, Bill Shorten demanded Clements' resignation. But the allegations against Clements had been publicized in major media outlets for months. There is no way that Shorten, or any other Labor official, didn't know about them before the story broke.

Bill Shorten asked for Clements' resignation only when the story went public. Image via

Although NSW Labor is now considering better ways to deal with future allegations, everyone I spoke to inside the party agreed the damage was already done. Other women have been deterred from making sexual harassment claims against senior Labor officials, one source told me. They were scared off by the way Jones was treated. "What woman would ever come forward after what happened to Stefanie?" another added.

From what I saw in politics it's almost always the men who decide what should happen when a female employee complains about inappropriate behavior. Men who are statistically far less likely to ever face sexual harassment themselves.

While the Clements saga played out, another Jamie stirred controversy, this time on the Liberal side of the aisle. In late 2015, a 26-year-old female DFAT staffer made accusations of inappropriate behavior against Jamie Briggs, whose biggest political achievement to date was breaking that expensive marble table at Abbott's rowdy goodbye party. Following an internal investigation, Briggs was forced to resign but unfortunately the story didn't end there. He responded by texting a photo of the woman to "a few colleagues" after she made a formal complaint. The photos found their way to media along with anonymous comments suggesting the whole thing was a conspiracy designed to denigrate Briggs. Sound familiar?

When news broke that a Liberal minister was embroiled in a harassment scandal, the Labor party was eager to speak out about the issue but remained largely silent about the fact Jamie Clements, its own senior party official, also stood accused. There's no desire in any party to actually act on this issue, only to use it as a political football and score points against opponents.

Of course, sexual harassment isn't limited to politicians but, speaking from personal experience, politics is a unique workplace. There's constant intense media scrutiny and a level of loyalty demanded from staffers that you wouldn't experience in many other jobs. This all plays out against the background that the accused MPs are those we trust to make laws, including those that should protect people from sexual harassment. For every story we read about in the news, you can guarantee that there are more that haven't made it out there. Most businesses now have policies in place on dealing with incidents of sexual harassment. In politics, the only rule is protecting your own.

Follow Osman on Twitter.

Watch the Trailer for Our New Season of 'F*CK, THAT'S DELICIOUS'

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On February 29, VICE will launch our new TV channel, VICELAND—a 24-hour cable channel featuring hundreds of hours of new programming. It's been a lot of work, but we've had help from some insanely talented people and we can't wait to share our first lineup of shows with you.

We've already released a trailer for our new show, GAYCATION, and one for our latest season of the classic series BALLS DEEP, but some other great VICE shows are making the leap to TV too, like Action Bronson's series F*CK, THAT'S DELICIOUS.

F*CK, THAT'S DELICIOUS chronicles the life and eating habits of rap's greatest bon vivant and follows Bronson as he tours the world with his long-time friends and collaborators, Meyhem Lauren and Big Body Bes.

Give the trailer a watch above, and be sure to check out the full series when the channel launches next month. The premiere episode airs March 3 at 10 PM.

Three Teens Have Been Arrested After a Mass Shooting in a Seattle Homeless Camp

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The Jungle is a muddy village perched under an interstate south of downtown Seattle, a bleak testament to the northwestern city's struggle to provide assistance to its surging homeless population.

Last week, it was also the site of a mass shooting that left two people dead, three wounded, and ultimately led to the arrest of a trio of local teenagers.

"There are no outstanding suspects that we're aware of," Seattle Police Chief Kathleen O'Toole said after the arrests Monday.

According to the King County Medical Examiner, 33-year-old James Tran and 45-year-old Jennine Brooks (or Zapata) were killed when an armed group—one witness told a local NBC affiliate at least six people showed up on bikes wearing black—opened fire around 7:15 PM on January 26. Police believe the shooting stemmed from a drug beef, as the Associated Press reported.

Cops are not releasing names of the three arrestees—boys who are 13, 16, and 17—nor have they indicated whether the trio lived in The Jungle. Police reportedly recovered a gun at the time of the arrest, which took place at another local homeless encampment. The shooting came at a tricky moment for Seattle Mayor Ed Murray, who, as the Washington Post reported, was in the midst of an aggressive public campaign to combat homelessness when a horrific episode of gun violence got in the way.

The Jungle's official name is the East Duwamish Greenbelt, but it's gone by the nickname—derived from "hobo jungles"—for decades, possibly since the Depression era in 1930s. "You've got that constant traffic drone sound," Tim Harris, founding director of Real Change Homeless Empowerment Project, told a local NPR affiliate. "When you're underneath the freeway, you see the freeway maybe 50 feet overhead. There are these big pillars. There's lot of shrubs and vegetation."

Seattle and King County as a whole have seen an influx of money pumped into the local economy by the tech sector, including billion-dollar behemoths Microsoft and Amazon. And thanks to raucous anti-WTO protests in 1999 and the more recent election of an avowed Socialist to its city council, the city enjoys a reputation as a place where left-wing politics reign. But despite passing a $15 minimum wage in 2014—which is still being phased in—officials haven't been able to get a handle on systemic poverty. The local homeless population has risen 19 percent since last year, according to one recent tally.

During a summer marked by what cops said was an uptick in gang shootings, city lawmakers went so far as to pass a "gun violence tax," which was upheld in the face of legal challenge from gun rights groups in December. Murray declared a state of emergency in the fall after the medical examiner reported dozens of homeless people died between January and September. That brought millions in additional cash to help the needy, but last week's shooting had the mayor second-guessing himself.

"Maybe I should have issued the state of emergency months earlier," Murray told reporters. "We've tried to do the best that we can given the circumstances we have, but obviously I'm going to question, was I good enough at my own job. It's on me in the end."

Follow Matt Taylor on Twitter.

The VICE Guide to the 2016 Election: What We Learned from Ted Cruz's Iowa Victory Over Donald Trump

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Inside the Marco Rubio Iowa campaign headquarters near Des Moines before the caucuses. All photos by Mike Pearl

The Iowa Caucuses were that rare thing in this already overlong 2016 presidential race: an actual event, not a piece of "narrative" ready to be spun and re-spun by the media and candidates. After Monday night's results, we know a bit more about the campaign and the shape it's taking. Donald Trump's support, until now, has been purely the speculative stuff of polls—his second-place finish, just a point ahead of Marco Rubio (24 to 23 percent), made him look suddenly vulnerable, those much-touted numbers a mirage.

Ted Cruz, meanwhile, is sitting pretty, for the moment holding both a lead in delegates and bragging rights after his unambiguous victory, with 28 percent of the vote. More than ever, Cruz seems like a plausible presidential candidate, despite a reputation as a strident, unpopular lone wolf. Cruz makes himself out to be an outsider, which isn't unusual—everyone in the GOP ostensibly hates beltway elites who are theoretically the source of all the country's problems. But Cruz really is outside the usual order of things; he's hated even by other Republicans, which in theory makes his path to the presidency more difficult.

Cruz won Iowa the old-fashioned way: an aggressive and efficient get-out-the-vote effort, strong support among the state's evangelicals, and grassroots bona fides. It's telling that when Trump launched attacks against Cruz back in December, conservative talk radio hosts jumped to the senator's defense.

Ted Cruz's bus in the parking lot outside his Iowa campaign office.

That abrasive iconoclasts would dominate Iowa wasn't exactly news, which is why the biggest story of the night was probably Rubio's 23 percent—just one point behind Trump, and eight points higher than his results in the most recent Des Moines Register/Bloomberg poll. For a long time the Rubio campaign has been pushing the idea that a "strong" third-place finish would be a good result for the candidate, but this was a stronger third than anyone was expecting—he didn't beat Cruz or Trump, but he destroyed all the other mainstream conservative candidates, including his former mentor Jeb! Bush, who earned a paltry 2.8 percent of the vote despite his massive campaign war chest. Rubio pulled off that trick everyone learns at his or her first job: He under-promised and over-delivered.

"This is the moment they said would never happen," Rubio said in a prepared speech at his post-caucus event at the Downtown Des Moines Marriott. "For months they told us we had no chance. Because we offered too much optimism in a time of anger, we had no chance." He was giving himself a whole lot of credit for coming in third, but it was time to cash in a few months worth of humility for a night's worth of bluster.

Two 17-year-old Rubio volunteers at Rubio's post-caucus event

The mood in the Rubio camp had unmistakably shifted by Monday night. Earlier that day, I'd been in Rubio's campaign headquarters and seen Rubio's battalion of campaign volunteers in the middle of their final push. They were embodying Rubio's trademark positivity, always chipper, smiles plastered on—but not a muscle in their bodies seemed relaxed.

Just a few hours later, his staff looked flush with victory, despite the third-place finish. People who had tried not to make eye contact with me while hunched over desks earlier in the day making phone calls now recognized me, and high-fived me on the way out of the Marriott.

Randy and his wife

A 34-year-old supporter named Randy from Des Moines was just as relieved as Rubio's staff. "I was speaking to my wife before I came down tonight and I said if Marco could finish in the 20s, I think that's a successful Iowa. Ted and Donald have both spent more time here."

"I think it gives him a lot of momentum moving into New Hampshire," Randy added.

He'll need it. Trump has a commanding lead in New Hampshire polls, though obviously none of them reflect how voters' opinions may have shifted after seeing the Iowa results. At last count, Ted Cruz, John Kasich, Jeb! Bush, and Marco Rubio were all hovering around 10 percent. The message Rubio's camp will hope to spread in the coming week is that his caucus showing indicates he's got more juice than Kasich or Jeb! and their supporters should hop aboard the bandwagon in order to defeat Cruz and Trump—both of whom are feared and loathed by the GOP establishment.

Rubio's political allies didn't waste any time trumpeting this talking point after his third-place "victory." Colorado Senator Cory Gardner, for instance, said, "Tonight's a clear message: If you're another candidate and you want to win in November, you should get behind Marco Rubio."

Rubio may have gotten a boost from a perhaps underappreciated segment of Iowa voters: Republicans who hate Trump so much they don't care who's at the top of the ticket as long as it's not the bully billionaire.

"Cruz and Rubio are pretty much the same person, and I'm pretty happy," said Dustin Hetter, a Rubio supporter who attended Rubio's post-caucus rally.

"At least he's not Trump," said Dustin's wife Amanda.

Follow Mike Pearl on Twitter.

Windsor, Ontario Has a Dwarf-Tossing Problem

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Leopard's Lounge, pictured above, is a strip club in Windsor, Ontario that hosts a dwarf toss. All photos by Michael Evans

It's a Saturday night in Windsor, Ontario and the Leopard's Lounge strip club is packed.

"You guys ready for some tossing?" the announcer asks, as Mötley Crüe blares over the sound system and the audience starts to chant, 'Dwarf! Dwarf! Dwarf!' while pounding their hands on the tables.

Everyone's here to watch Michael Murga—an entertainer of short stature known as Mighty Mike get tossed in the air as bare-chested strippers serve beer and usher patrons into the club's private booths.

A group of guys take turns grabbing him by the handles of a harness strapped tightly around a T-shirt promoting the club, throwing him onto a series of air mattresses laid out across the stage. It's clumsy, uncoordinated, and hardly reminiscent of the scene in Wolf of Wall Street where Leo and the gang aim for a bullseye on a velcro target. He's wearing a helmet and goggles in the name of safety.

In the bathroom, fresh from his toss, one man declares, "He's three feet tall, but fuck, he's dense."

I watch a few turns and begin to wonder if this is really what all of the bitching, moaning, and fanfare is about. Are we here to champion Mike's right to consent, or are we all just sitting in a damp club overpaying for drinks because of its forbidden allure? It's a contentious "sport," one with worldwide protest—after all, it was included in Wolf of Wall Street as a clear indication of how absolutely fucking shitty those greed mongers were.

And that makes me wonder what this popular event says about my hometown.

After ten tosses, Mike takes a break and heads into the club's back room to rest his back. He's no stranger to the entertainment industry, having toured with Britney Spears, acted on American Horror Story, and performed as Mini-Elvis and Mini-Eminem. His website calls him "Entertainment's #1 Little Person for World Tours." He's avid about staying in shape in order to protect his body from being injured by each toss.

"I work out. I have a strong will. It's not just something where it's pick up a midget and toss him, I have a strong torso. If you land wrong, your back gives out, so you've got to have a strong physique," Mike tells me.

In an average night in this line of work, Mike will be tossed between 50 to 60 times, occasionally at a distance of eight to ten feet.

I've been strictly instructed by Renaldo Agostino, the event organizer, that I'm not allowed to ask him about controversy surrounding the "sport."

"When I'm up there, I am in the zone," is the only thing he tells me when I hint toward the issue.

I ask why he thinks there's such a draw for this event, and Mike explains it's the novelty of it. He sees mainly men in their twenties and thirties line up to heave him across the stage—or if he's in LA, into a hotel swimming pool.

Back on stage, two women grab him from either side and fail to toss him, letting him drop to the ground as the crowd laughs and cheers and orders more booze.

"Premature a-dwarfulation," the announcer chimes. "The whole secret is in the grip."

Dwarf-tossing has a history of complaint and outrage in Windsor, the activity angering a local MPP enough to try to get a law passed banning the spectacle. Windsor West MPP Sandra Pupatello put forward a private member's bill in 2003, but it failed to pass to its second reading.

"My community is up in arms. My phones have been besieged. The community is outraged that this event should be allowed to happen," read Pupatello as she introduced her motion in 2003. The bill would have seen a fine of less than $5,000 or imprisonment of less than six months for those convicted of organizing or participating, had it passed.

The event returned in 2012 to further complaints and calls to Windsor city councillors, yet again it proceeded as planned.

VICE reached out to Pupatello for comment but never heard back.

This year, with back-to-back events at Leopard's and a Detroit club, The Toy Chest, an online petition was created on Change.org started by the organization Little People of America.

The petition states, "dwarf tossing is a disgusting spectacle that subjects people with dwarfism to ridicule and physical harm," and it "treats people of short stature as a piece of equipment and encourages the general attitude that people with dwarfism are objects."

It drew in over 3,600 supporters, with comments describing the event as "demeaning" and "objectifying," to "a travesty that any decent society should condemn."

In 2012, Game of Thrones actor Peter Dinklage brought attention to dwarf-tossing, when he made a shout-out in his Golden Globe acceptance speech to a man who was injured in an incident believed to be inspired by dwarf-tossing.

Despite the complaints, the outrage, and the fanfare, there was a notable lack of any protest outside of Leopard's during the event.

James Campeau, a machinist in Fort McMurray, has been away from his hometown of Windsor, for the past five years. When he read about the event online, he seized the opportunity to fly home to take part.

"It's just fun. I don't think it's demeaning or anything. He's getting paid well, I'm sure. They flew him out here, and they put him up in a hotel. It's not like we're throwing him against a brick wall. They've got mattresses out, and everybody is having a good time."

Speculating on what Mike's being paid, Campeau tells me, "Even if it is $1,000, he's hanging out at a strip club for five hours, making $200 an hour in Windsor... the highest-paid wage in Windsor, you're making $40 an hour. He's making four times that, and he's hanging out at a strip club."

Agostino wouldn't divulge what Mike is getting paid for the night, but assures me when I arrive that, "He loves it. He makes what a pretty good DJ would make. He's getting paid what a decent out of town band would bring in."

Two bystanders in the audience, Andrew and Kristen, tell me they wouldn't normally step foot in a strip club but wanted to see for themselves what a dwarf toss would be like. They're here with a small group of friends, standing in a corner of the room with big grins on their faces.

For one of the club's dancers, Shannon, it's the oddest event she's seen in her ten years of working in the industry. This is coming from a girl who once watched a stripper squirt and soak everyone in "pervert's row like a fucking water gun."

"It gets busy on Saturday nights, but not like this. Right now there's some people that don't even have chairs. Usually everybody has a table," Shannon tells me.

"You're not going to get a dance are you?" she asks as she realizes I'm not going to be coughing up the money for a private show.

The toss is crass and tasteless, marked with controversy which mainly serves to shotgun it into the spotlight. The club owners eat it up, profiting from the exposure and free publicity. Without the wires and effects from Hollywood, Mike soars a couple feet from awkward tosses thrown mainly by young drunk men who showed up to have a laugh at his expense.

He'll fly back to LA in the morning and go back to being "Entertainment's #1 Little Person for World Tours."

The rest of us will still be in Windsor, where dwarf-tossing can draw a big crowd on a Saturday night.

Follow Dean Scott on Twitter.


Congress Just Voted to Put a 'Scarlet Letter' on the Passports of Sex Offenders

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This story was co-published with the Marshall Project.

Legislation requiring the State Department to identify registered sex offenders with a special mark on their passports received final passage in the House of Representatives on Monday night and went to President Obama's desk. The White House has not indicated whether President Obama plans to sign the bill.

Called "International Megan's Law" by its sponsors, the bill provides that offenders' passports contain a "unique identifier"—as yet unspecified. Critics call it a scarlet letter. "Who is going to have a unique identifier added to their passport next? Is it going to be Muslims? Is it going to be gays?" asks Janice Bellucci, a civil rights attorney who has fought against sex offender registries.

Supporters say the bill will help prevent sex trafficking, since sex offenders "hop on planes and go to places for a week or two and abuse little children," the bill's sponsor, Rep. Chris Smith (R-NJ)., told NJ.com. Multiple requests for comment made to Smith's office were not returned.

In drafting the bill, Smith and others drew upon a 2010 GAO report that found that about 4,500 of the more than 16 million US passports issued each year go to registered sex offenders. The report included a selected list of registered sex offenders who received passports in 2008, with detailed descriptions of their crimes.

In a rebuttal printed as an appendix in the report, the State Department noted that there was no evidence anyone on that list had traveled in order to commit a sex crime, and that it already has the authority to deny passports to people convicted of sex tourism involving minors and those whose probation or parole terms forbid them from traveling.

"We think the report is very misleading," the State Department wrote. "Starting with the title, 'Passports Issued to Thousands of Registered Sex Offenders,' we are concerned that it conveys more 'shock value' than factual accuracy."

Multiple studies have shown that sex offender registries do not prevent sex crimes and in fact can increase crime, by driving people on the registry away from legal employment, housing, and positive social networks.

In addition to the new passport marking, the law would codify an existing Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) program called "Operation Angel Watch," which notifies officials abroad when registered sex offenders plan to travel to those countries.

Critics of the program say there are myriad reasons US citizens might travel abroad that have nothing to do with past crimes: for work, to visit family, and for vacation. The "Angel Watch" notifications would still apply even in cases where crimes were committed decades prior, and when the crimes that landed people on the registry had nothing to do with sex trafficking or international travel.

Paul Rigney heads up a group in Dallas called Registrant Travel Action Group in which he is collecting stories of people whose status on the registry has interfered with international travel. One man wrote that he has a daughter in medical school abroad; he fears he won't be able to travel to her graduation. One woman wrote that she and her husband wanted to take their three kids on a Carnival cruise, but "I received a letter denying me access to ever travel with them again due to my registration status. I was appalled and humiliated."

Bob, who asked the Marshall Project to withhold his last name, arrived at an airport in the Philippines to visit his wife, who lives there, only to be turned away. Several years prior he had pleaded guilty to a single count of Violation of Privacy—a "peeping Tom" charge that arose from a dispute with his ex-wife. He had traveled to the Philippines many times before, he says, but suddenly in 2012, unbeknownst to him, a "traveling sex offender alert" had been sent to the Philippine government. Because his immigration petition to bring his wife to the US is still pending, these trips are the couple's only way to see each other.

This article was originally published by the Marshall Project, a nonprofit news organization that covers the US criminal justice system. Sign up for their newsletter, or follow the Marshall Project on Facebook or Twitter

Ghomeshi Trial Has First Big Twist as Witness' 3 AM Email to the Accused Revealed

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Jian Ghomeshi leaves a Toronto courthouse after the first day of his trial on Monday, February 1, 2016. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Frank Gunn

As the first day of Jian Ghomeshi's sex assault trial wrapped up, his defence lawyer Marie Henein had already pointed out several discrepancies in the first witness' testimony to police, media, and the court.

Overall, they were relatively minor: was she wearing hair extensions when he allegedly yanked her hair? In which direction was her hair being pulled? Was she kissing Ghomeshi before he allegedly pulled her hair or during? On Tuesday, she introduced a new question about whether or not the witness was "pushed," "pulled," or "thrown" to the ground during the assault in Ghomeshi's house—the answers appeared to vary in different interviews.

Then came the big reveal. Henein produced a series of bombshell emails that suggested the witness had made incorrect statements under oath when she claimed she cut off all communication with Ghomeshi after allegedly being punched in the head in his home.

Henein started out by establishing that the witness, whose identity is protected under publication ban, originally chose not to report Ghomeshi to police but instead "stay away" from him. She replayed a part of a recent police interview in which the woman said, "I didn't have any more dealings with him after that."

Henein outlined how "at least six times under oath" the witness told cops and the media that she didn't reach out to Ghomeshi after being allegedly assaulted in 2003, to the point where she turned off the TV and radio when he was on because it forced her to "relive the violence."

Then Henein paused, dramatically, asking, "Do you now want to tell his honour and the court the truth?" The witness responded that she had done so.

READ MORE: Day One of Jian Ghomeshi Trial Shows the Difficulty Faced By Alleged Victims of Sex Assaults

Henein presented the court with an email, dated January, 16, 2004, a year after the alleged assault took place. It was from the witness to Ghomeshi.

"Can I explain?" the witness interjected. But Henein carried on, going line by line through the email, which was sent at around 3 AM.

The subject read "Play>Boy" and opened with "Good to see you again!" followed by "Your show is still great."

The witness had included a link in the email to some kind of music video featuring herself and a friend. The email closed with, "If you want to keep in touch this is my email!!!!" and listed a phone number. (Ghomeshi never replied, according to the witness.)

"Are you prepared to admit you have lied under oath?" Henein asked the witness, to which she said, "I refuse."

The second email, sent in June 2004, opened with, "I've been watching you on 'Screw the Vote.'"

At this, the witness claimed that that was a lie and she'd never watched Ghomeshi on that show.

"I thought I'd drop you a line and say hello," it reads. "Hope all is well." Attached was a photo of the witness in a bikini.

The witness told the court she sent the emails to "bait" Ghomeshi.

"I wanted Jian to call me so I could ask him why did he violently punch me in the head," she said. "If reaching out to him like this was the only way to get it, that's the only way to get it."

The witness said she remembered drafting angry emails but couldn't remember sending them. Henein responded, "That is not an angry photo. It's a photo showing your entire body in a string bikini."

Her questions ended there. The witness left, her credibility undeniably damaged.

Follow Manisha Krishnan on Twitter for live tweets at the Ghomeshi trial.


The Men Who Use Antidepressants to Last Longer in Bed

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Photo via Wikimedia Commons

Bill Monaghan was familiar with Zoloft before he started experimenting with it off-label. He'd been prescribed the drug in elementary school to treat a "bad case of OCD," but weaned himself off the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) through exercise.

More than a decade later, the South Jersey resident was looking to get back on an SSRI for a different reason: He was finishing too quickly during sex.

"It literally drove me insane," said Monaghan, now 25. "Basically, I was thinking about my penis all fucking day."

SSRIs, a class of antidepressants, treat depression or anxiety disorders by limiting serotonin reabsorption, ultimately increasing the amount of serotonin available for the body's use. They also come with a slew of side effects—one of which is decreased libido and difficulty achieving orgasm. For most, it's an annoyance, but for men like Monaghan, it was an opportunity.

Monaghan went to a urologist, and then a slew of psychiatrists who put him on "a lot of shit" that he says he "didn't need to be on," but not Zoloft. Finally, he found a psychiatrist who appreciated his straightforwardness.

"I actually had papers printed out," Monaghan said. "I was like, 'Here's the medical abstracts of off-label uses of medication that I read up on and I want to experiment with it on myself. Look, I have OCD so the insurance will cover it and blah, blah, blah. We can kill two birds with one stone but this is what I want to do.' I was like, 'I'm not going to try to get you to prescribe me something and lie to you.' I was completely honest and up front."

The doctor put him on Paxil, the trade name for an SSRI called paroxetine and, over the course of the following months, Monaghan went from lasting 30 seconds to more than ten minutes.

Patrick Jern, a psychologist and professor at Abo Akademi University in Finland, said SRRIs effects on ejaculation seemed like a breakthrough for sexual medicine. "It was prescribed off-label for a lot of years to treat premature ejactulation," he said, "and it's actually rather successful."

But while few doctors disagree about the fact that SSRIs delay ejaculation and curb sex drive, some are wary about their role in sexual medicine. Most SSRIs have a bunch of negative short-term side effects (weight gain, fatigue, nausea) and unknown long-term side effects. Still, there are dozens of threads on forums like Reddit filled with men lauding the impacts of SSRIs on their sex life.

"Honestly I feel like a monster now for the length of time I can last," wrote one user, who was prescribed an SSRI called Cipralex solely for premature ejaculation. "I can give this girl some monster orgasms and it feels amazing knowing that I can truly satisfy this girl."

The drug impacts his mood, he said, but he deemed the tradeoff for his boosted confidence worth it.

"I've had a lot of people close to me come up to me and mention that I look depressed and not myself," he said. "This is the only reason I'm contemplating pulling back on them a little bit but it's just difficult because I'm so happy how I'm able to perform in bed now. Obviously the right decision would be to get off of them entirely but it just seems like my performance is too good to be true to stop them now."

Jern, the psychologist from Finland, performed a study on men who'd taken dapoxetine to treat premature ejaculation. He found that 70 percent ultimately stopped using the drug, typically citing the side effects, with half of those who discontinued use reporting nausea and nearly a quarter reporting diarrhea.

Dapoxetine is notable because it's the only SSRI with a marketing permit in many countries for treatment of premature ejaculation. Like Viagra (which was also popularized through its side effect—it was originally developed to treat hypertension), dapoxetine can be taken on-demand, about an hour before sex, and clear the system shortly thereafter.

The drug has not, however, been approved by the FDA for this usage in the United States (because its application is still pending, the FDA could not provide further information). Despite the lack of approval, other drugs containing the same chemical compound as dapoxetine have surfaced in the United States. In October 2015, the FDA recalled the drugs Rhino 7 3000 and Rhino 7 Platinum 3000, both over-the-counter sexual endurance supplements which were found to contain dapoxetine.

"Studies have shown that antidepressants increased the risk of suicidal thinking and behavior in children, adolescents, and young adults when compared to placebo," the FDA wrote in a release announcing the recall. "Therefore, consuming these products presents a health risk which could be life threatening."

Pharmaceutical companies can't market their drugs for anything other than their intended use, but doctors can prescribe off-label use at their discretion. Dr. T. Mike Hsieh, a urologist and professor at the University of California San Diego, says he sometimes prescribes SSRIs for patients with premature ejaculations, but only in the most dire cases and after a thorough screening.

"If a couple who's trying to conceive but the guy can't last—during foreplay the guy ejaculates—how is he supposed to try to conceive with his wife?" Hsieh said. "So there are definitely specific instances, in addition to maintaining a healthy sex life. I do use SSRIs and I do use all the topical numbing applications to try to help these guys out, but what I do is try to screen them for any kind of underlying depression or bipolar disorder and then, if there's any concern, I would have them see a psychiatrist first to make sure they're clear."

Hsieh is concerned about the SSRI use, however, because a vast majority of his patients—many of them college students—are struggling with perception rather than an actual physical issue.

"When a college kid comes in and says they can last 20 minutes, you're like, listen, because the medication really only helps a guy get from about half a minute to two and half minutes," Hsieh said. The average length of sexual penetration is hard to nail down, but studies show ranges from three minutes to about seven.

Hsieh believes this uptick in young men who think they're suffering from premature ejaculation is the result of an increase in the availability of porn.

"They don't understand that a lot of those guys, porn actors, they're getting injections and various things to keep their erection up for the film," Hsieh said. "But naturally when a 15-year-old or a 20-year-old college kid starts watching these movies they start comparing their own performance to what they see on the film. Obviously, they all feel they are very inadequate. So even though, I think, it's been reported that as high as two-thirds of men have premature ejaculation, but if you really put a strict definition on it, then it's probably a smaller amount of people."

Even the SSRI use itself, Hsieh said, might not be helping a sexual problem that's strictly physical.

"SSRI has been used to treat anxiety so maybe part of the effect is that it also calms the guys down a little bit," he said. "Some guys don't really have erection problems, but if you give them a little bit of viagra they feel like, 'Oh, now I'm ready to go.' So there's that weird placebo effect or anti-anxiety effect and I think that probably contributes to it."

Even Monaghan, who's a vocal supporter of SSRIs when used correctly and whose SSRI of choice, paroxetine, has lower discontinuation rates according to Jern's study, warns against misuse.

"Don't just go get these pills," he said. "They're powerful mental drugs and if you don't have a problem and you take them you can actually create a problem."

Follow Dave Simpson on Twitter.

The World’s Largest Snowball Fight Was Prairie Canadiana at Its Most Dangerous

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In the epitome of Canadian culture, Rick Mercer gets hit in the face by a snowball. All photos by Caitlin Taylor

Saskatoon's Victoria Park isn't typically the kind of place to draw a massive crowd. It's a nondescript location wedged between an inner-city skatepark and a Chinese monument. But on this particular afternoon, the Riversdale neighbourhood is flooded with white middle class parka-clad families ploughing through the snow near the riverbank to gather together and try to break the Guinness world record for biggest snowball fight.

Riversdale, traditionally one of Saskatoon's poorest neighbourhoods, is currently the scene of a contentious case of gentrification. So an event like this is regrettably appropriate here; more white non-residents sweeping through to fund and promote a cause that does little in return for the community. Then again, snowballs are fun.

I walk towards the mass of people, past a row of radio station tents, already resisting the urge to fire a snowball at a radio-man summoning the crowd over to enter the draw for Hedley tickets. There are newspaper reporters and TV crews wedging their cameras and microphones into the crowd surrounding Rick Mercer, who is shooting a segment for his geriatric TV show.

Among the crowd I immediately spot a few members from "Team Canada," the snowball crew going to Japan for Yukigassen—an international snowball fight competition. They're easy to locate by their red and white onesies and their almost unvaried long hair and hipster moustaches (think of the Fubar dudes except with $200 boots and impressive investment portfolios). The dudebros are half zipped, showing of ample chest hair and snapping soon-to-be-deleted photos with those who don't have the patience to wait in the Rick Mercer selfie line.

I have to admit, it's an impressive turnout, particularly for such an utterly meaningless event. Kids in ski masks and hockey helmets form large piles of iceballs. There are women in heeled boots and feather scarves, white haired couples who probably don't have any more teeth to lose, neo-hippies in their fake-thrift puffing on a joint beside a family with matching Canada Goose jackets, and toddlers throwing mitten-fulls of iced powder in the air that hang like crystals.

The snow is hard and grainy from the recent melt-freeze-repeat cycle—trying to pack the stuff is impossible. But the wait is getting long and people are making due, kicking chunks of the packed snow underfoot, or removing armfuls from the various piles of snow the city had dumped for the occasion. Thousands of people armed with ice chunks. There's no way this can go wrong.

I head to the stage where, basking in the general vicinity of the perma-smiling Mercer, I find Don Atchison—Saskatoon's longest running mayor, despite a long history of questionable competence. He's clutching a snowball in one mitt, and the parka of what I assume is his granddaughter in the other.

"You're in on the fight, Mr. Mayor?" I ask.

He grins and lifts his snow fist to me, "Oh yeah. All ready."

"So no lawsuits if you get beamed?"

"No no!" Atchison snorts.

"Well in that case, when this starts, I'm gunning right for you."

He gives a nervous laugh before he slowly starts to turn his back to me.

The moment is finally approaching, and snowball championship team co-captain Nathan Thoen attempts to bellow his on-stage announcement. People start to whizz chunks of snow by his head, possibly in response to seeing his camera-hungry mug on local TV one too many times. He says something about already having enough people, needing to sustain 60 seconds of snowballing, and invites Mercer from the stage down to one of the snow mounds in the middle of the mob.

The countdown begins, but before we hit one, snow-bullets begin to fly. It's vicious. Mercer, propped on the snow pile, is being pelted ruthlessly with a sideways deluge of snow and ice. It's less of a snowball fight and more of a mildly humane stoning. Snowballs by the thousands are being launched arbitrarily, and rain down on the tightly packed crowd. A few seconds into the assault and there's already crying. A woman attempts to tell the crowd of thousands to "stop."

I get dinged smartly in the back of the head. Probably from Atch. I take a guarded peek around. In equal measure there's small children lofting snow crumbs at each other and jacked d-bags pitching ice deep into the crowd. I watch a blonde man who has a cache of readymade snowballs, flinging them at nostril-level directly into a crowd of every-aged people.

Mercer's TV face has been hit. He grabs the mic and screams for a ceasefire. The crowd half complies, several snowballs still fly through the air towards his battered face. Someone howls into the mic that "We did it!," eliciting triumphant screams from the crowd. The mood shifts to full-blown party mode, the teamsters dancing on the stage while a random hijacks the mic to tell the world how "awesome" he feels. The infectious sense of hyper-accomplishment punctured only by wails of the ice-targeted children.

I go off to hunt for evidence of more carnage, the worst being a teenage girl with a scary looking gash around her eye. The girl's mother is dressing down one the teamsters, taking the snowball hit as a personal attack. I watch him as he tries to console the young girl.

The self-congratulatory celebration of all things whiteness continues as I make my way from the park. The turnout and enthusiasm it created is baffling. I guess the masses who congregated imply that we want to be part of something significant; our collective names in an annual book often relegated to the clearance aisle of Costco.

But then I think, Screw it, maybe I should embrace this stunning accomplishment. Who knows what tides of positivity will wash over the community, the city, the whole fucking country. I turn back around, my jingoistic instincts now in full command. I crack a brew, take a selfie, and unzip my jacket as I dance to the garbled noises of the DJ, expose my chest hair and nipples to old man winter, and rejoice that we broke the fucking record.

How Do You Explain Earthquakes to Refugees Without Freaking Them Out?

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An earthquake survival kit. Photo via Flickr user Global X

Off the Pacific coast, along the 700-mile long Cascadia faultline running from Northern California to Vancouver Island, tectonic plates are shifting. When they eventually collide, it will cause the continent's largest "megaquake."

It could happen tomorrow. It could happen 50 years from now. The word "if" doesn't get used much anymore when discussing the Cascadia Subduction Zone earthquake, or the tsunami it will unleash into coastal towns, or how it will destroy bridges, roads, infrastructure, and houses.

Naturally, news of this event—especially as it was detailed in a July 2015 New Yorker article called "The Really Big One"—sent Pacific Northwesterners stocking up on water and supplies. But for refugees who are resettling in cities in Oregon, the mythology surrounding the "megaquake" has sent them into a tailspin.

Thousands of refugees have made Oregon their home in the past few years (there were 1,327 refugee arrivals in 2015 alone), and most initially settle in Portland, the state's largest city. Most of those people come to the Immigrant and Refugee Community Organization (IRCO), a resource center to help immigrants and refugees acclimate to Portland. Starting last year, shortly after the New Yorker article came out, IRCO case managers caught whiff of rumors about the earthquake—specifically, rumors that it would happen the next day.

The organization is well-versed in conveying crucial information to non-native, non-English-speaking communities: IRCO offers over 100 social service programs, which help immigrants find housing, take language classes, and secure jobs. But this was different.

"We started hearing a real sense of an impending doom," says Megan Harrington Wilson, the Community Works Program Manager at the IRCO.

In talking to clients, the IRCO staff learned that many of the refugees were taking extreme actions to prepare for the quake: Parents kept their children home from school, afraid to be separated in the aftermath. Others cashed their paychecks and crammed loads of bottled water into their already-cramped apartments. People bought life jackets, a tsunami precaution. A Burmese woman said she'd heard all flights were grounded in Portland, and that everyone was trapped. Rumors flew across social media. According to IRCO, several people even quit their jobs, packed up their families, and moved out of Portland altogether.

IRCO invited Felicia Heaton, a senior community outreach representative from the city's Bureau of Emergency Management, to provide information and arranged for interpreters to translate her messages into several languages. About 140 people showed up to the meeting, where Heaton gave basic earthquake safety information: If the ground shakes, get under a table; stock up on food and water in advance; create an emergency plan. Simple stuff.

But the meeting only made things worse. "The communities heard panic," Wilson said. "It backfired. Massively."

For refugees from areas that have been affected by bad earthquakes, news of an earthquake hit too close to home.

"," said Surya Joshi, a community engagement specialist at IRCO. "They heard the stories about how it happened and how everything got destroyed."

Worse, many of the refugees in attendance feared they wouldn't be able to prepare the way they were instructed at IRCO's meeting. Joshi said his clients tend to live "in cramped apartments with little free space. They were told to store at least three gallons of water per person. In our community, there are seven people living in an apartment—that's 21 gallons of water. That made people panic more and more."

News needs to be filtered through a 'trauma-informed perspective'—an outlook that acknowledges many refugees have been fleeing catastrophe for most of their lives.

While IRCO and the city regrouped, some communities started to take the information into their own hands. Ahmed Al-Zubidi, a case manager in the housing program at IRCO and an Iraqi refugee, noticed several people spreading misinformation on social media. In his family's small suburban apartment, he held meetings for members of the community.

"The main concern was the tsunami. Our community, they don't know the geography of the area," he said. With people gathered on his floor and on couches, he showed them maps of Oregon on Google, pointing out the distance and large mountain range that separates Portland from the ocean—too far to be swept up by a tsunami.

IRCO called a second meeting, this time targeting the Bhutanese and Burmese communities, which seemed to be the most concerned about the quake. Nearly 100 people showed up. Wilson gave a stripped-down Powerpoint presentation, with simple slides. On one slide, a large wave appeared, with the text: "Will there be a tsunami in Portland?" On the next slide, a red cross appears through the wave. "No!"

Joshi provided translation for the Nepali-speakers at the meeting, and when that slide flashed across the screen, the room erupted in cheers.

"When I ruled out the tsunami from the place our community lived, they were so joyful," he says. "Everybody gave a standing ovation, they were clapping and hugging each other. It was quite an event."

After that second meeting, Wilson says the staff realized the fundamental mistake: "I think what we've seen is that when you present information—even simplified information—coming from a Western perspective, it actually just triggers people's fear and trauma." She likens it to a traffic cone on a cracked sidewalk: A native Oregonian might recognize it as a simple caution, whereas a newly arrived refugee might interpret that as a sign of danger.

News like that of the earthquake, she says, needs to be filtered through a "trauma-informed perspective"—an outlook that acknowledges many refugees have been fleeing catastrophe for most of their lives. Wilson recalls a meeting in which a Somali woman explained her fear: "We understand war. We understand genocide. We understand rape and pillage. We flee from that." An earthquake felt like a unexpected continuation of that long flight away from danger.

Heaton, Wilson, and others from IRCO have now constructed plans to assemble phone trees: simple call lists that start with prominent figures within refugee communities—spiritual leaders, in most cases—which then allow the dispersal of crucial information through trusted sources.

"For a lot of people, that sounds really, really basic," Heaton said, "but when it comes to appropriately serving these communities, that's what we have to do. They're not tapped into traditional media. Going back to basics is really the best way to do it."

After a 7.1 earthquake shook Anchorage, Alaska last month, there were more murmurs about potential disaster among the refugee community. Al-Zubidi was able to placate refugees in Portland, but back in Iraq, he says people still think living in Oregon is dangerous.

"People back home, they say we will die ," he said. "I told them, 'Guys, you have faith. If our God says we should die, we should die. No one can say no. You know? Maybe a car hits you. Maybe you fall down from a ceiling or something. Maybe you will have a heart attack. After that, they have some peace."

Follow Leah Sottile on Twitter.

Comics: A Man in a Trenchcoat Shows Lulu Something Neat in Today's Comic from Ida Eva Neverdahl

What Day Two of the Ghomeshi Trial Tells Us About Victim Blaming, Credibility, and Traumatic Memories

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Jian Ghomeshi leaves a Toronto courthouse with his lawyer Marie Henein (left) after the second day of his sexual assault trial. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Frank Gunn

Even non legal-types could tell that Tuesday went poorly for the first witness in Jian Ghomeshi's sex assault trial.

By the end of her cross-examination, Ghomeshi's lawyer Marie Henein revealed that the witness, who has accused Ghomeshi of pulling her hair and later punching her in the head, contacted the former CBC host via email a year after the second alleged assault took place. This despite her repeatedly telling police, the court, and journalists that she'd made every effort to cut him out of her life.

"I didn't have any more dealings with him after that," she told police in sworn testimony heard in court, referring to the time period after Ghomeshi allegedly beat her in the head at his home in January 2003. She said she would turn off the radio or TV when he made appearances as they forced her to "relive the violence." That wasn't true according to the emails.

The emails Henein presented in court showed the witness contacted Ghomeshi in January 2004 asking him to get in touch with her and again in June of that year, this time including a photo of herself in a bikini.

Henein accused the witness, whose name is under a publication ban, of lying under oath. The witness said she "didn't remember" sending the emails and later claimed she was using them to "bait" Ghomeshi.

"I wanted Jian to call me so I could ask him why did he violently punch me in the head," she testified, noting that she was in a committed relationship at the time and no longer had any romantic interest in Ghomeshi.

It seemed like a bombshell revelation, one that came after Henein had highlighted discrepancies in the witness' testimony regarding the details surrounding the two assaults—the make and model of his car; whether or not she had hair extensions; if they were kissing before or during the alleged hair pulling incident.

But was the defence's revelation really as damning as it seemed? And was the witness' statement that her memory came back in bits and pieces, plausible? VICE reached out to experts to put the trial so far into context.

Are the Inconsistencies Heard So Far Enough to Raise Reasonable Doubt?

Michael Spratt, an Ottawa-based criminal attorney, told VICE the witness' credibility and reliability have been seriously compromised by her testimony.

"With inconsistencies of that magnitude it demonstrated the witness is either not credible or is not telling the truth or that the witness' memory is flawed about major details," he said.

Allowances can be made for misremembering smaller details—like the exact sequence of events on the night the alleged assault took place, Spratt said, but the emails showed more than that.

"Either she has lied to the court about having contacted Mr. Ghomeshi," he said, "or it demonstrates her memory is not reliable when it comes to sending an email and intimate messages to the person whom she says months before or a year before had assaulted her in a very serious manner."

The defence will be able to argue that her memory on other points, such as the assault itself, are suspect.

The leadup to this case has prompted much criticism of the justice system and its tendency to rip apart alleged victims on the witness stand, but Spratt argued the cross-examination in this case has been "completely fair."

"The witness has been cross-examined on inconsistent statements...To remove the ability to do that would be to cast aside our common law traditions which go to fairness."

Those inconsistent statements will be looked at cumulatively, said Spratt. "If you put enough holes in the hull of the boat, eventually it will sink."

Trauma Victims Often Have Fragmented Memory

Throughout her testimony, the witness explained the variances in her statements to police, media, and the court by saying her memory didn't come back to her all at once.

"These are memories," she told Henein. "You remember certain pieces of them and as you sit with them you remember more of the peripheral parts."

Henein, at various points in her cross examination, suggested the witness had false memories or was flat-out lying.

But Barb MacQuarrie, community director at Western University's Centre for Research & Education on Violence against Women & Children, told VICE it's entirely possible that the alleged victim did recall things in bits and pieces.

"The details around it, the time of day, the colour of the car, what she was wearing, what he was wearing, they wouldn't be the kind of details that someone who has experienced trauma would hold on to," she said.

"The experience of trauma would be the memory that is most accurate."

It Wouldn't Be Abnormal for an Abuse Victim to Contact Her Abuser

Why would someone contact a man who had allegedly punched her in the head a year after the assault occurred?

That was more or less the question raised in court Tuesday by Ghomeshi's lawyer.

The witness said she wanted an explanation from Ghomeshi, to "bait" him into calling her.

We don't know if that's true or not, but, regardless of the motivation behind the emails, Macquarie told VICE a victim getting in touch with her attacker doesn't mean she wasn't attacked.

"Some women will immediately leave the situation and never go near it again. Many, many, many other women have a much harder time drawing that line between herself and the abusive person."

And abusers can be very charismatic and charming, as the witness stated Ghomeshi was in his initial interactions with her.

Bottom line, according to Macquarie, is the question itself is problematic.

"It should never be implied that the woman is inviting abuse because she's reaching out and showing interest in a relationship," Macquarie said.

The trial continues Thursday.

Follow Manisha Krishnan on Twitter for live tweets from the Ghomeshi trial.


The VICE Morning Bulletin

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The Aedes aegypti mosquito, one of the main transmitters of the Zika virus. Photo via Wikimedia.

Everything you need to know about the world this morning, curated by VICE.

US News

First Sexually-Transmitted Zika Case Reported
Health officials in Dallas have confirmed the first known case of the Zika virus being transmitted through sex. The person became infected after having sex with an already ill partner who had recently returned from Venezuela. —NBC News

Sanders Campaign Doubts Iowa Result
Aides of Bernie Sanders have called for a review into the Iowa caucus results, following reports of computer glitches and counting errors. "It's not that we think anybody did anything intentionally, but human error happens," said a Sanders spokeswoman. —USA Today

Exonerations Reach Record High
A report published today has found a record number of people—149—were exonerated of crimes in the US last year. Of those wrongly convicted for homicides, the National Registry of Exonerations said "more than two-thirds were minorities." —ABC News

Legal Weed Becomes $5 Billion Industry
Legal marijuana is the nation's fastest growing industry, according to a new market research report, which found sales skyrocketed by 80 percent last year to more than $5 billion. The industry is projected to grow further in 2016 and generate $6.7 billion in sales. —VICE News


International News

North Korea Warned Off Missile Launch
South Korea has warned North Korea it will "pay a harsh price" if it goes ahead with a planned launch of an "observation satellite" between February 8 and 25. Critics believe it's cover for a ballistic missile test, and Japan vowed to shoot down any missile over its territory. —BBC News

Australia's Offshore Camps Judged Legal
Australia's High Court has ruled that the government's offshore detention of asylum seekers is legal, sparking criticism from human rights groups. The verdict means 267 asylum-seekers currently in Australia will likely now be deported to the Pacific island of Nauru. —Al Jazeera

Explosion on Somalian Plane
An explosion blew a huge hole in a Somalian commercial airliner, forcing it to make an emergency landing shortly after leaving Mogadishu airport. The cause of the explosion is unknown, but the Serbian pilot is reported to have said he believes it was a bomb. Two people were injured. —AP

End to European Open Border Area Would Cost Europe $120 Billion
A return to border controls in Europe would cost countries in the Schengen open-borders area about $120 billion over the next decade, according to a French government think tank. The study by France Strategie predicted a huge drop in tourism and trade. —Reuters


Kanye West. Photo via Flickr user Pieter-Jannick Dijkstra

Everything Else

Kanye Album Poll Got More Votes Than Iowa
Kim Kardashian polled her Twitter audience to decide the most popular title for Kanye West's new album. The vote got 439,102 responses, more than the 420,000 participants in the Iowa caucuses. —The Huffington Post

Broncos Star in Prostitution Sting
The Denver Broncos have sent home rookie Ryan Murphy from Super Bowl preparations after he was questioned in a prostitution sting. Murphy was released by police, but his brother and a suspected prostitute received citations. —ESPN

Uber Makes Money from Dead Miles
Uber is generating money even when its drivers are doing "dead miles," roaming around unpaid, waiting for their next request. New research shows unpaid drivers are continuing to generate useful and lucrative data. —Motherboard

Canadian Police Confiscate New W-18 Drug
Canadian police officers have confiscated samples of an opioid known as W-18, believed to have been imported from China by organized crime. It is 100 times more powerful than fentanyl, the OxyContin pill it is supposed to resemble, and 10,000 times more powerful than morphine. —VICE



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Narcomania: Why Are So Many Black People Being Convicted of Drug Dealing in London?

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Undercover cop Neil Woods (left) buying crack. Photo from "Inside the Secret World of a British Undercover Drugs Cop"

This article originally appeared on VICE UK.

Nearly half of all people convicted for class A drug supply in London are black, according to previously unpublished data seen by VICE.

Figures released to VICE under the Freedom of Information Act reveal that 42 percent of people convicted for selling class A drugs in the capital are black, a proportion that rises to 50 percent for drug dealers under age 21.

According to the 2011 census, just over 10 percent of people living in London are black, while just under 60 percent are white. However, three times as many black people under 21 are convicted of class A drug supply than white people under 21. Around three-quarters of class A drug supply convictions result in custody.

These new figures come a couple of days after Prime Minister David Cameron announced a review into the treatment of ethnic minorities by the criminal justice system, pointing out that a young black man in the UK is more likely to be in prison than at a top university.

The data released to VICE shows that black people are over-represented nationally when it comes to drug supply convictions. While making up just three percent of the UK population, black people account for 20 percent of all class A drug supply convictions.

The data, which covers convictions for 2013 and 2014, also reflects the expansion by London drug gangs into other parts of the country. They show high numbers of black drug dealing convictions in the south-east and east of England, as gangs send young sellers to "go country" and take advantage of commuter belt markets.

It's not just at the lower levels of the drug trade that black people are over-represented. Of the 567 people convicted for class A drug importation over 2013 and 2014, 120 were black, compared to 132 white and 55 Asian. Almost all of those convicted were arrested in London and the south-east of England.

The region-by-region data obtained through the FOI request provides an exclusive insight into the age and ethnicity of people making a living in the drug trade in England and Wales. The further you travel up north, away from London, Bristol, and Birmingham, the number of black drug dealing convictions peters out.

In the north, those found guilty of drug dealing are overwhelmingly white, a reflection of the more extensive network of white crime groups in cities such as Newcastle, Liverpool, and Manchester.

The north-west hosts the highest number of class B (chiefly, cannabis and speed) selling convictions in the country, as well as the most people found guilty of producing class B drugs (almost entirely cannabis grows).

Importation convictions are highest in London, the south-east and the north-west, a reflection of the importance of these areas as hubs of trafficking and onward distribution within the UK.

The data raises important questions about why a disproportionate amount of black people are ending up in the dock for dealing drugs. VICE has spoken to a number of experts—including former drug dealers and specialists in the drug trade—to seek an explanation for this phenomenon.

Their responses on the following pages suggest the figures are being driven by a number of factors, such as social exclusion, biased policing, gang culture, and cultural links to the cocaine trade.

It appears that the high representation of black people in the drug supply statistics, particularly at the business end—the heroin and crack market, which has a far higher risk of injury or arrest than any other drugs—is a reflection of three main drivers:

SOCIAL EXCLUSION

Young black men have a higher unemployment rate than all other ethnic groups—more than double the rate for young white men. In 2012, government statistics showed that more than half of young black men available for work in Britain were unemployed. According to the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, black ethnic groups have worse labor market outcomes regardless of whether they live in better-off or deprived neighborhoods.

As John Pitts, director of the Vauxhall Centre for the Study of Crime, told me in 2011: "To someone who is struggling at school, who has a cold, hard home life with few prospects, it's dangerous, it's exciting, and it's a step up the ladder. You have escalating youth unemployment and a lack of those opportunities. In today's drug business you could be earning, with relatively little effort, £500 a week. The old ways of reasoning with young offenders—all that is now gone."

Analysis of the motivations of those who took part in the 2011 riots in London and elsewhere in England revealed a similar narrative: the rioters, most of them young black men, said they were driven by social exclusion and economic deprivation, combined with a strong sense of injustice. They were poorer, younger, and of lower educational achievement than average.

Drug dealing is a logical solution to a problem for many of the world's urban poor. Some of those locked out of the mainstream economy turn to one of the biggest illegal economies: the drug trade.

It's the same story the world over. In towns and cities across every continent, there are hundreds of thousands of people who are using the drug trade as a way to escape a dead end life, and indeed, widespread social inequality. A study into the drug market in New Orleans, published in the Journal of Ethnicity in Substance Abuse in 2010, found "a clear connection between poverty and entrance into the drug market, as mitigated by race, lack of societal opportunity, lack of social capital, distressed families, and closed neighborhoods. Specifically, the research illustrates the mechanisms by which macro-level social forces intersect to legitimize drug dealing as a viable alternative method of acquiring money and social capital."

Some people are coerced into the drug trade. But for most, access is relatively easy and socially acceptable, often through family or friends. Either way, once you get on it's hard to get off. Political campaigner Kenny Imafidon, 22, who grew up on an estate in Peckham and did his A levels in Feltham prison described this in The Kenny Report, a 2012 publication handed into Parliament to raise awareness of the challenges faced by young people from deprived areas:

"Many young black people at the age of 16 are aware of the economic climate and the lack of legitimate career opportunities, so can often be lured into illegal ways of making money such as selling drugs, particularly if they are living in an area where this is an accessible and viable option. Young people in deprived communities who obtain criminal convictions by the age of 16 believe that no one is going to employ them anyway and therefore commit to ongoing criminality."

Societies that combine social inequality and consumerism cannot be surprised that people who have no opportunities want to find another way of buying the things that everyone else seems to have.

BIASED POLICING

There is no doubt the police target black people for stop and search, therefore making them more likely to be caught if they are carrying quantities of drugs deemed high enough to warrant arrest for supply. Despite a clampdown on discriminatory stop and searches ordered by home secretary Theresa May, which has dramatically reduced the practice, black people in London are still three times more likely to be frisked than white people, rising to 17 times more likely in some parts of England.

Black people are also three times as likely than white people to be arrested and prosecuted. This is reflected in the prison statistics, with significant rises in the proportion of young black and Asian people being locked up. A report—led by Baroness Young and published last year—into the high numbers of young black men in prison found that one of the reasons behind the rise is that black offenders "are stereotyped as drug dealers."

THE COCAINE ROUTE

The reason so many black people are being convicted for class A drug selling, predominantly for selling heroin and crack, has its origins 20 years ago, with the rise of the crack cocaine market in Britain. The first crack importers and suppliers were British Jamaican gangs who used existing friendships and supply lines from the Caribbean to import cocaine and wash it up into crack.

Because of its short, intense high and need for users to buy repeat hits, crack became a lucrative trade. Dealers began selling it alongside heroin, and the two drugs virtually became one—a first course and a main course—with some users combining "white" and "brown" in the same syringe, known as a speedball.

By its very nature, the crack and heroin trade—particularly when it comes to the young runners who carry out the transactions—is far more visible to the police than the trade in other class A drugs. It's a lot tougher to avoid arrest if you're serving up to heroin users on a notorious estate than passing a few bags around in a noisy, dimly-lit nightclub.

Below is a number of opinions from criminologists, a former crack and heroin dealer, and a couple of former international cocaine traffickers.

NOEL WILLIAMS, 25, SOUTH LONDON
A former heroin and crack dealer

I was selling heroin and crack on my estate in Tooting from the age of 11 to 20. I've been in prison six times, the longest stretch was five years. I got out and I'm now studying a Sociology and Economics degree at university.

Yes, there is institutional racism in the police, in courts and prisons—and black people selling drugs can be obvious—but for me it's all about social deprivation. If you took away drug dealing you would literally have young black kids starving in the streets. They need the money.

If the police want to find us, we are easily found. We are not in central London; we are living in these little urban pockets, living on top of each other in neglected estates. Drug dealing has spiraled out of all this. All the drug addicts live on the same estate as us, so it's easy to make money selling drugs to them.

I got into dealing because my parents were drug dealers—it was my destiny to sell drugs. My dad wasn't around much. Mothers can teach you manners, but not how to be a man. We just went out on the streets and did anything we wanted because no one was going to say anything. We didn't care if we got caught and went to prison, we just did it again straight away—it was the only thing we knew.

As well as the crack and heroin, I also sold cocaine powder to white party animals. No one from my estate could afford £100 for a night out like they did.

I still live on my estate, but I got out of the drug trade. I did A levels in prison and started university. Being at university, I know now what I did not know then: that there is another way. It's a struggle, but there is another way.

Some trafficked cocaine Photo via US Federal Agency

DARRELL M, EAST LONDON
Former international cocaine trafficker

If you see someone who has managed to afford a car from his earnings in a week, rather than over two years, people are going to go for the job that takes them a week to get the car.

Yes, there is biased policing against black people, but they bring a lot of it upon themselves, with the dress code, the swagger on the streets. Maybe other ethnic groups are just more discreet, while we drive around in flashy cars. If you have all this bravado, you are putting yourself in the spotlight.

With gangs it's all about street cred, it's all about reputation, and this is the downfall for a lot of these young guys. It backfires on them—they advertise what they are doing to the rest of the world, flaunting their wealth. Police are biased, but young black men have only got themselves to blame if they make themselves a moving target.

Black culture is flamboyant, outgoing, loud, and some people can't accept that. If you live in a racist society and the system is against you, then don't make the system worse for yourself. If you get convicted for drug dealing, don't play the race card: you chose the wrong path when you got involved, so don't cry about it when you get caught.

One of the problem is a lack of role models. Lots of the kids selling drugs have come from broken homes, where the father is not there. They need a male role model, and if they don't get that at home, they look elsewhere. But dealers do also come from good families—it's all up to individual choices. Everyone has got their own reason why they got involved in selling drugs.

SUZELLA PALMER, UNIVERSITY OF BEDFORDSHIRE
Criminologist specializing in ethnicity

Most ethnic groups have found that, since moving to Britain, generations have worked their way up and out of poorer areas, and they end up doing better than their parents. But with Afro-Caribbeans, this tends not to happen. Why? Because we have suffered levels of discrimination unlike other groups. Now, after 9/11, the Muslim community is experiencing something approaching this level of discrimination.

We have always had a fighting spirit against discrimination and social exclusion. In the 1980s, when unemployment among young black males where I lived on the Stonebridge Estate in Harlesden was 95 percent, we hustled, sold weed, cut hair. There was an informal economy.

Then came the crack trade via Jamaica. Some young men were able to make lots of money, silly money, buying Lamborghinis, Porsches, and second homes in Jamaica. This came at the time of Thatcherism, when the messages were all about consumerism, looking after number one, that to be someone meant you had to have money. On some estates now there is a real lack of community, so people are more complacent.

Now, for young black men who underachieve at school and want status and cash, selling crack and heroin is a shortcut. The key is that it's so easy for them to get involved in the drug trade. They know so many people involved—there are so many job opportunities.

Culturally, young black people are included, but economically they are not. Selling crack will give you access to this world. Young Bangladeshi men buy into this less, because they are less absorbed into British culture.

There are clear international links between black youth in the UK and Jamaican organized crime groups who source cocaine. But we can also find similar patterns with Pakistani youth in the UK and organized crime in Afghanistan or Turkish youth in North London and their links with organized crime groups in and from Turkey. Again, while social exclusion and accessibility to drugs are factors that apply to most ethnic groups involved in the drugs trade, the group most demonized and discriminated against are black youth.

While young black men often face more challenges than other excluded groups—raising their likelihood to become involved in drug dealing—discriminatory practices within policing have a far greater effect on the disproportionate numbers of black young males who are arrested and convicted.

PROFESSOR ALEX STEVENS, UNIVERSITY OF KENT
Criminologist specializing in drug policing

The key thing is that the proportions of black people in these figures are generated from the interaction between police decisions on whom to target and the underlying (and much greater) numbers of people who are involved in drug supply. If police officers have a view that young black men are more likely to be involved, then they will target young black men, and their figures will keep on telling them that young black men are the most likely to be involved in dealing. This is known as "statistical discrimination."

It is impossible to know whether there are actually underlying differences in rates of offending. Given that young black men are more likely to be excluded from school, homeless, and unemployed, it would not be surprising if a larger proportion of them did turn to alternative ways of making cash, and the attractions of this may be reinforced if they see dealing being, as Barack Obama nearly said, 'the final destination' of the young, black man growing up with the experience of routine police attention. However, it is difficult to either prove this point or to make it without being accused of repeating the racially essentialist stereotypes that have been around for as long as drugs have been controlled.

A plane, via which drugs are often trafficked. Photo by David Spinks via

NICK S, BRISTOL
Former international cocaine trafficker

In the mid 1990s, black dealers dominated the crack scene in London and Bristol—they didn't allow anyone else to sell it, and they have maintained control over the market. They don't import cocaine so much now, but those who do import it – such as the Colombians—sell it to the black dealers because they can get a higher price from black dealers because they sell it at high volume as crack.

I've just spent a year in Wandsworth Prison, and there's lots of young black kids coming in for drug dealing. Most of them are in gangs from different areas, which have sprung up everywhere and replaced old crime families. They seem to be very much influenced by hip-hop and American culture. Drug dealing is seen as a cool career, a thing to do, like 50 Cent. I met black kids in there for small amounts of drugs, who said once they are known to police for selling drugs they get targeted like crazy.

RONNIE MANEK, GT STEWART SOLICITORS
Barrister specializing in drug supply cases in South London

Why are so many young black drug dealers going through the courts? I put it down to gang culture. The majority of the gangs in south-east London are black gangs, and they are often involved in selling drugs. A lot of the boys I see come from single parent backgrounds; their father is abroad or in jail. There is a lot of poverty there. Most of them are runners for their bosses, who are black, but the people above them turn out to be proper gangsters, older men, often white, who source drugs from abroad but don't get their hands dirty.

A lot of those going through the courts are teenagers, uneducated, very rebellious against society. They don't go to school, though there is the odd university-educated guy. They do it for huge financial reward—up to £1,000 a week.

One recent case I've just finished defending involved a gang of young black men from a south London estate who used an insider at an estate agent to set up four flats where they stored 70 percent pure cocaine, cut it up, and put it in bags for sale. In one flat the police raided in Kensington they found £66,000 . They sold it on the streets of Bedford, Norwich, Ipswich, and Luton, where they rented out hub flats to sell from.

PROFESSOR ROSS COOMBER, GRIFFITH UNIVERSITY
Criminologist specializing in the drug trade

My research has shown that black dealers traveling out of London to sell crack and heroin in less ethnically-mixed areas are highly visible to the police. So a lot of "London" drug dealers are being arrested outside of London. In many of the Home Counties and towns and cities commutable from London, I know the police there simply look out for black commuting drug dealers.

It might very well be that many of the low-level black dealers are relatively vulnerable young people and that gangs force or use these young people to sell. Vulnerable and excluded teenagers in London—more likely to be black than white, proportionately—are more likely to become involved in drug supply than those with better life chances.

These statistics are not representative of the entire drug market, but reflect the part of the market most visible to law enforcement, the heroin and crack trade. So non-black dealers are more heavily involved in drug selling, but are far less visible.

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Inside the Bizarre, Unsolved Case of the Long Island Serial Killer

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Something in Joseph Brewer's house made Shannan Gilbert think she was going to die. Maybe it was the fleeting image of some horrific thing she was not used to seeing in the home of a john, though for a 24-year-old sex worker who apparently turned tricks in the darkest corners of the New York metropolitan area, it stretches the imagination to guess what such a thing could even be. Maybe it was a violent suggestion whispered in her ear. Or maybe someone in Brewer's house told Gilbert a story about a hired escort who steps out into the night in Long Island and is never seen alive again.

For the growing number of us who have come to obsess over it, and the community of online sleuths devoted to solving it, the mystery surrounding the perpetrator known only as the Long Island Serial Killer is closer in atmosphere to the chthonic landscape of David Lynch's Lost Highway than a conventional whodunit. It's a tale replete with rumors of orgies, torture, and sadistic, sex-addicted cops. Gilbert's abrupt disappearance from the private coastal community of Oak Beach, New York, on the night of May 1, 2010, released a black cloud of murder and conspiracy that seems to still hover over the sleepy suburb; when her skeletonized remains were eventually found, some 19 months later, in a pool of brackish water, it seemed to confirm what by then was obvious to anyone paying attention: Something was wrong on Long Island.

Suffolk County Police and recruits search an area of beach near where police found human remains on April 5, 2011 in Babylon, New York. (Photo by Spencer Platt/Getty Images)

The search for Gilbert led to the mass discovery of bodies just off Gilgo Beach, an undeveloped coastal park in Suffolk County, New York, and evolved into an investigation that has now lasted over half a decade, uncovering the corpses of eight young women. It has also produced the body of a trans woman found with teeth missing from her skull, a female toddler wearing hoop earrings, and unconfirmed suspicions about as many as seven other female victims who have never been verified by police as being part of the same killer's spree. All of the adult victims who have been identified were sex workers. The majority of the remains were found on Ocean Parkway, a dim and desolate stretch of road that runs from the far edges of Jones Beach and into maritime oblivion. Two torsos were found 40 miles away in Manorville, tossed into the woods like unwanted hunks of meat.

The Long Island Serial Killer emerged as early as 1996, although no one knew it then. Richard Dormer, the former Suffolk County police commissioner, says a couple found two severed female legs wrapped in plastic that year while taking a stroll through Davis Park, a beach spot on Fire Island. When the bodies were discovered in the bramble along Ocean Parkway in 2010, a cop involved in the 1996 investigation called police to recommend running a DNA test, which matched the legs to a victim of the Long Island Serial Killer.

The most recent possible victim was a 31-year-old woman of Yugoslavian origin named Natasha Jugo with a history of paranoia. In 2013, Jugo drove her Toyota Prius some 40 minutes from Queens out to Ocean Parkway at four in the morning for unknown reasons, and, much like Shannan Gilbert, disappeared into nothing, leaving her wallet and clothing behind. That June, three months after she vanished, a group of beachgoers spotted Jugo's body floating motionless in the sea.

In December, local tabloids announced that the FBI had rejoined the search for the Long Island Serial Killer. Days later, an anonymous source alleged in the press that tarnished former Suffolk County Police Chief James Burke made deliberate efforts to block the FBI from participating in the investigation, fueling longstanding rumors of a police cover-up. Meanwhile, Burke was indicted by the feds on December 9 for violating the civil rights of a man accused of stealing his property and conspiring to obstruct a federal investigation into the incident. Should the FBI succeed in nabbing the Long Island Serial Killer—or as some theorists would have it, killers—it will tie together the threads of what has arguably become the most confounding murder mystery in contemporary America.

Unmarked grave of Maureen Brainard-Barnes at St Mary's Cemetery in New London, Connecticut. Photo by Laura McClintock

No one would have ever known about the Long Island Serial Killer if not for Shannan Gilbert, who ran through a gated community in Oak Beach that May morning not far from the unseen resting places of various other sets of female remains.

She called 9-1-1 and told the operator, "They are trying to kill me." A record of her phone call exists, but Suffolk County District Attorney Tom Spota's office has chosen not to release it to the public. Spota's office declined to comment to VICE, instead deferring questions about the investigation to the police. Those who have listened to the tape diverge when describing Gilbert's tone. Detective Vincent Stephan of the Suffolk County Police Department penned an op-ed to Newsday in an effort to blunt criticism by Gilbert's family, claiming that her voice was calm. Dormer, however, told VICE that Gilbert was "in distress" on the tape when he heard it and "scared out of her mind."

The "they" in Gilbert's call, like almost everything else about her death, remains an enigma. No one knows who she believed was trying to kill her, and a fair share of people doubt that anyone ever was. Michael Pak, Gilbert's driver, had brought her to the private seaside community of 72 houses under the auspices of entertaining just one man: Joseph Brewer. Brewer's life in Oak Beach, by the accounts of those who knew him, was that of an idle middle-aged bachelor with an appetite for paid sex. No one publicly considered him to be dangerous. He summoned Pak at around 5 AM to escort Gilbert back to Jersey City, where she lived, but for some still-mysterious reason Gilbert called the police and fled, ringing doorbells in the creeping dawn, begging someone—anyone—for help.

("I put my faith in the police," Brewer said over the phone when asked about Gilbert for this story, before hanging up. According to Dormer, the former police commissioner, suspicions about Brewer were dismissed early on in the investigation.)

Dormer summarizes the morning Gilbert disappeared this way: After she ran from Brewer's house, she rang the doorbell of an elderly man named Gus Coletti, now deceased, who also called the police. Pak circled his black Ford Explorer toward her, and when he did, Gilbert scrambled in the direction of candle-shaped electric lights positioned along a windowsill. Those lights, according to neighbors, were part of a nearly decade-old vigil held by a woman named Barbara Brennan, a widow who lost her husband during the September 11 terrorist attacks. Brennan didn't answer Shannan's knocking, and instead made two phone calls: one to police at 5:22 AM, and another to a neighbor she trusted, Tom Canning.

Canning, a tall, retired landscaper with a veiny, rubicund complexion and a shock of white hair, claims to have arrived at Brennan's house with his dog, a Weimaraner.

"There was nobody there for me to rescue," Canning recalls, staring down at the deck of his home in Oak Beach before letting his eyes drift out to direction of the Atlantic Ocean's soft rocking tide. "I wish I had the chance to help her."

Gilgo Beach, Long Island, New York. The bodies of Maureen Brainard-Barnes, Megan Waterman, Melissa Barthelemy and Amber Lynn Costello were discovered from December 11–13, 2010. Photo by Laura McClintock

Canning points away from the water and to the left of his house where a thick carpet of reeds as tall as an adult man stretch out into the horizon.

"She ran into the marsh," he says, referring to the place where Gilbert's body was found.

Other accounts diverge from Canning's. His then-20-year-old son Justin told the New York Post in 2010: "We saw her footprints in the sand. She was in a panic. We thought she was on drugs."

The elder Canning denies ever having seen footprints in the sand. His son Justin declined an invitation to be interviewed for this story.

Joe Scalise is a septuagenarian state park employee with eyes that match the blue of the ocean surrounding Oak Beach, where he and his family have lived for over four decades. He recalls an interaction he had in Canning's driveway shortly after Hurricane Sandy, close to a year after police finally found the body of Gilbert. The alleged encounter surrounded another Oak Beach resident named Peter Hackett, a former surgeon for the Suffolk County Police Department and a friend of Canning's.

"Canning told me after Sandy that Dr. Hackett sedated Shannan Gilbert," Scalise says. But Canning denies that Hackett had any contact with Shannan Gilbert after she rang Brennan's doorbell. "He's crazy," Canning says of Scalise.

Regardless of who's telling the truth, Hackett is an important name in this saga. Among a circle of online conspiracy buffs, he is a bigger and more divisive celebrity than Donald Trump: Depending on whom you ask, Hackett is either a sick, deranged killer, or a Girardian scapegoat, a socially awkward man with a prosthetic limb and propensity for self-exaggeration that made him the easiest possible answer to a community's fears.

It took months for the police to connect Gilbert's emergency call to reports of a panic-stricken woman knocking on doors in Oak Beach. The reason for this delay relates to a procedural failure: When the 9-1-1 operator asked Gilbert where she was, the answer she gave, according to Dormer, was something to the effect of "around Jones Beach." Jones Beach, a popular weekend destination for New Yorkers who most likely know little else about Long Island not gleaned from gossip columns about the Hamptons and the songbook of Billy Joel, was the most frequently mentioned destination Gilbert would have seen on road signs as Pak's SUV approached Brewer's home. It's also a state park, which meant that her call that morning was transferred to state, rather than local, authorities.

To Gilbert, Ocean Parkway must have looked like a stark and forbidding horizon of blackness, moonlight, and waves. When she died, it's fair to assume that she had no tangible idea where she was.

Mari Gilbert, left, looks on as her lawyer John Ray speaks to the media at a news conference in Babylon, NY, Tuesday, December 20, 2011. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig)

According to Shannan Gilbert's mother, Hackett called her two days after her daughter's disappearance and uttered seven words:

I run a home for wayward girls.

Hackett denied ever calling Gilbert's mother until phone records determined that he did in fact call her—twice. Hackett sent two letters to 48 Hours Mystery, a documentary program on CBS that covered the Long Island Serial Killer saga back in 2011, acknowledging that he made the calls but denying that he ever met Shannan, took her in, or administered drugs to her.

The Gilbert family doesn't agree with his side of the story, to put it mildly.

"Dr. Hackett told Mari Gilbert that he ran a home for wayward girls, and that Shannan was in his care," says John Ray, an attorney for the Gilbert family. "Why would anyone do something like that?"

The Gilbert family filed a wrongful death suit against Hackett in November 2012, claiming that he took Shannan into his home that morning and administered drugs to her, facilitating her death. Ray, an affable man with a tight, gray ponytail, tells his version of the complex story of the Long Island Serial Killer with the command of a great conductor tackling Mahler. He slows down to build tension, allowing room for the listener's curiosity to trickle through the many obscure coincidences along the way.

"I have a tremendous respect for homicide detectives," he insists from his warm, book-lined office in Port Jefferson. "But after putting over 750 hours of work into this case, I can see that the police have been deliberate in covering it up."

Ray has deposed most of the key players in the Shannan Gilbert story, including Hackett and his family. He claims that many things that should have been standard protocol in a homicide investigation went undone, and that "many things that shouldn't have been done were." Hackett's home, boat, and car, Ray says, were incompletely searched, and police have never volunteered whether or not the soil underneath the spot where Gilbert's body was found ever got tested for particles of flesh (to determine whether or not she had decomposed there, or was dumped ). The Suffolk County Police Department, when reached for comment, would not confirm or deny any of Ray's allegations.

Michael Baden, an independent medical investigator retained by Ray on behalf of the Gilbert family, told me Gilbert's hyoid bone, a small, curved part of the throat, was found deformed. He claims that could have been caused by strangulation, but without access to Gilbert's soft tissue, which according to Baden's findings was boiled away soon after the initial autopsy, he was unable to make a definitive determination of her cause of death. While frustrating, Baden notes that the boiling away of soft tissue post-autopsy is a fairly commonplace identifying procedure, and—though he feels it was unnecessary here—not indicative of an effort to obscure evidence on the part of authorities.

But Baden suspects that Gilbert was murdered for additional reasons beyond the deformity of her hyoid bone. He says Gilbert's body was found belly-up, unusual for a drowning victim, and that her belongings were strewn around her, suggesting her corpse was carried to the spot where it was found.

Ray highlights that Hackett's phone call to Mari Gilbert matches a known tendency of the Long Island Serial Killer to taunt the family members of his victims. Amanda Barthelemy, the younger sister of Melissa Barthelemy—who disappeared in 2009 and was discovered during the search for Gilbert as a skeleton wrapped in burlap along the bramble of Ocean Parkway in December 2010—was tormented by the killer in a series of violent and sexually explicit phone calls made from locations in and around Midtown Manhattan. Ray also notes that the second call, made by Hackett five days after Gilbert's initial disappearance, bounced off of a cell tower in New Jersey, a place Ray says Hackett denied traveling to that week.

When deposed, Hackett allegedly volunteered that he owned a DEA license marked with an X, a designation that would have enabled him to prescribe certain opiates. Hackett also allegedly admitted to Ray that he regularly consumed a cocktail of self-prescribed opiates and other drugs. Stories of opiate addiction are common in Oak Beach, and Scalise and his family claim that Hackett was using his access to a prescription pad to subsist as a quasi–drug dealer after allegedly being fired by the county.

Still, despite Ray's massive file of interviews, and the litany of amateur sleuths convinced of his guilt, questions remain about Hackett's involvement: If police did make an effort to cover-up the identity of the Long Island Serial Killer, as many believe, why would they protect such a man? Hackett certainly wouldn't have been saved from arrest by the authorities: According to Ray, he said under oath that he was fired by Suffolk County for misusing a work cell phone and claiming to be at work when he wasn't actually there. After the tragedy of Flight 800, when a plane burst into a fireball, scattering the remains of 230 passengers across Suffolk County in 1996, Hackett embarrassed the department by embellishing his role in the investigation to local papers. He was, to quote one officer of the Suffolk County Police Department who prefers to remain anonymous, "a squirrel"—a man who would be easy enough to arrest without causing embarrassment.

Finally, Hackett's wife, son, and daughter were living at his house in Oak Beach at the time of Gilbert's disappearance, and would likely have to somehow be complicit in his supposedly murderous double life. That would present a tortuous front for a family to maintain for so many years.

Hackett's public persona has evolved over the five-plus years since Gilbert first vanished from Oak Beach. 48 Hours Mystery spoke to Hackett outside of his home, where he denied remembering the phone call to Gilbert's mother. Journalist Robert Kolker, whose 2013 book Lost Girls centers on the often sad circumstances through which the victims of the Long Island Serial Killer fell into a life of sex work, was invited into Hackett's Oak Beach home in December of 2011, several months after the interview with 48 Hours, and the doctor denied his involvement in Gilbert's disappearance at length.

But somewhere along the way, Hackett stopped talking. Crime Watch Daily, a syndicated investigative newsmagazine series, followed Hackett to his car in December after he completed one of Ray's depositions: In the clip, Hackett appears to fake a heart attack after being asked whether or not he was responsible for the deaths of the women found on Ocean Parkway. Shortly after clutching his chest and falling to the ground, the doctor hops into his car, closes the door, and makes the sign of the cross in the falling dusk.

Hackett, like others touched by Gilbert's disappearance that night, including Barbara Brennan and Joseph Brewer, moved away from Oak Beach, perhaps in an effort to put distance between his name and a story that never seems to fade away. I reached out to his lawyer, but the calls weren't returned. Hackett supposedly lives in Fort Myers, Florida, now, and a trip to a different Long Island address in a town called Point Lookout, belonging to Hackett's wife Barbara, turned up a younger woman at the door last month. When asked if either Peter Hackett or his wife could be reached for comment on this story, the woman glared sharply.

"They don't want to talk to you," she said, and slammed the door.

Gilgo Beach, Long Island. Photo by Laura McClintock

Richard Dormer just wants to clarify one important detail.

"The FBI came back," he says, nodding his pale forehead over a cardboard cup of black coffee. "They aren't coming for the first time—they came back."

There is an old-fashioned charm to the former Suffolk County police commissioner, spiced by his Irish accent, a remnant from when he immigrated to America back in 1958. Dormer maintains the same theories he held about the investigation that he did at the time he led it: Gilbert got high, freaked out, ran into the marsh, and drowned. The bodies that have been found through the years were the work of one killer. The fact that Gilbert was a sex worker, and died next to the burial ground of so many others like her, is simply a coincidence.

"She was a skeleton," Dormer claims of the toxicology report he says found no traces of drugs in Gilbert's system. "There was nothing much there to test."

The former cop is cagey about the way his successor handled the case, but is determined to reassure me—and the public—that he did everything he could to solve it.

"I'm not going to talk about Burke," Dormer says. "But I do have serious concerns that this investigation suddenly went dormant."

Former Suffolk County Police Chief James Burke, who rose through the ranks around the same time Hackett was a fixture there, is running low on defenders. His trial is set to begin this March for an incident in which he allegedly burst into an interrogation room and beat a suspect raw for stealing a duffel bag from his car. Inside the duffel bag, the thief claimed to find a stash of sex toys, cigars, and hardcore porn. Burke allegedly threatened the thief by saying that he would give him a hot shot, a slang term for murdering a man by injecting him with a fatal dose of tainted heroin. Burke also once carried on an ongoing romantic relationship with a convicted sex worker and drug dealer by the name of Lowrita Rickenbacker who committed her offenses in the precinct where he was a supervisor.

Burke's violent backstory fuels concerns that he deliberately slowed down the investigation of the Long Island Serial Killer after taking it over from Dormer. The man entered law enforcement as a witness in one of the most infamous murder cases in Long Island history: the John Pius trial of 1979. During the proceedings, a 14-year-old Burke testified against his own friends, who had sadistically bullied and murdered a 13-year-old boy by stuffing rocks down his throat. Many observers have questioned the degree to which the younger Burke might have been complicit in the horrific crime, given that he failed to intervene when it was happening. The young prosecutor who handled the Pius case was Spota, who now serves as Suffolk County district attorney and facilitated Burke's emergence as the most powerful cop in the county. Local papers describe Spota's relationship to Burke as a nurturing one, the prosecutor helping him become chief in 2012.

(The FBI declined to comment as to whether an investigation into Burke's abuses of authority was in any way connected to the investigation of the Long Island Serial Killer. Spota's office declined to comment on the district attorney's relationship to Burke. Burke, speaking through his attorney, Joseph Conway, declined to comment on the Long Island Serial Killer investigation or the charges he is facing.)

Timothy Sini, the recently appointed commissioner of the Suffolk County Police Department, now heads up the investigation of the Long Island Serial Killer. He's the third person to assume authority over the probe since the bodies were discovered in 2010. In a phone interview, he told me that, in addition to the feds, two homicide detectives are working full time on the case, and as many as a dozen other detectives are also in the loop.

"Any shortcomings of this investigation from the past will be looked into going forward," Sini said, in reference to Burke. "I'm not going to sugarcoat this situation."

He expressed optimism that the case was still solvable.

"We still get tips every day," he said. "Unfortunately, most of them seem to involve women who suspect their husband to be the killer."

Sini's final words about women suspecting their husbands might be an oblique reference to a woman in her 40s who told me about an 80-page report she says she provided to the FBI, implicating her husband in a grand conspiracy of serial murder that also allegedly implicated James Burke. She claims to have tied them together through a website called Utopia Guide, where men rate and discuss sex workers together at length. The woman believes the men threw sex parties together under the name Carney Construction Crew, and that some of the women who were hired were later disposed of in the bramble along Ocean Parkway. This unsubstantiated theory speaks to the wormhole of ideas bandied about every day both online and in local bars throughout Long Island.

There are those who believe that a prominent Suffolk County businessman, who may have committed suicide on the anniversary of the bodies being found, did the deeds. There are others who insist the murders to be the work of a satanic cult, or of a man who made snuff films. There are those who talk about Eyes Wide Shut-style sex parties on big, expensive boats, where influential men in Suffolk politics had an incentive to cover-up their dalliances. Some connect the bodies on Ocean Parkway to the unsolved murder of four women in Atlantic City in 2006. There is the unverifiable rumor of an African-American sex worker who allegedly escaped from Oak Beach in the dead of night sometime before 2010, and ran semi-naked along the parkway, screaming, "They're trying to kill me" in the same manner that Shannan Gilbert did on the morning she vanished.

All of it is frightening, but none of it points to anything definitive, or clear.

Eventually, it all comes back to the start: Shannan Gilbert picked up the phone to call 9-1-1 from Joe Brewer's house in Oak Beach, Long Island. For reasons that no one can seem to explain, she knew that she was about to die.

Michael Edison Hayden grew up on Long Island. His work has been featured in the New York Times, Foreign Policy, the Los Angeles Times, and National Geographic, among other publications. Follow him on Twitter.

Watch the Premiere of Pussy Riot's New Video 'CHAIKA'

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It's been almost four years to the day since Pussy Riot, the Russian anarcho-punk, feminist band, performed its legendary protest/set "Punk Prayer - Mother of God, Chase Putin Away!" on the altar of the Cathedral of Christ the Savior, in Moscow.

Since then, the group has been arrested for its anti-government sentiments, put on trial, imprisoned, and finally—after the intervention of human rights groups and international media—freed. Yet, none of that has stopped the band from continuing to release a constant stream of songs, videos and articles, all with the goal of fighting the rampant corruption in the Putin's regime

Today, Pussy Riot is releasing its latest music video, "CHAIKA," named after Russia's current prosecutor general, Yuri Chaika.

Chaika was in the international press recently, when anti-Putin activist Alexei Navalny posted a film he made online that alleges the family and business associates—most specifically the son—of the prosecutor general have direct ties to the Russian mob, and that Chaika himself is mired in corruption. Since the release of this film the Russian government has denied the allegations and refused to discuss or cover the video on state-controlled media platforms. The Kremlin has also passed multiple laws that increase its control over what content can be posted online, and that may even allow them to block outlets like Facebook, Twitter and YouTube.

We spoke to Pussy Riot front-woman Nadya Tolokonnikova about why the band chose to make Chaika the subject of its latest video, and why it thinks the situation in Russia has gotten worse since the revolution in 2012.

Photo by Denis Sinyakov

VICE: What is your latest video about?
Nadya Tolokonnikova: "CHAIKA" is a message from a top Putinist official to his sons and followers. It's a tutorial on how to pinch out money, raid enterprises, send competitors to prison or physically eliminate them. And also what to do in order to not only escape imprisonment for yourself, but to prosper.

Why is it important for the public to learn about Yuri Chaika?
Chaika is the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation. Since he acceded to office in 2006 he has not completed any major investigations. Chaika is something more than a talentless, mediocre official. He personifies a typical modern protagonist—a normal representative of Russian contemporary state mafia.

Mikhail Zygar, former editor in chief of Rain—the only independent TV channel in Russia—discussed the role of the prosecutor's office in his book All Kremlin Warrior Host. He writes, "The General Prosecutor's office became an example of political voluntarism. It executed the political will of the Kremlin in the most rough and brusque way, often not taking into consideration the intricacies of human rights. In the run-up to any regional elections the prosecutor's office flawlessly laid accusations against undesirable candidates and did everything not to let them reach election day. The General Prosecutor's office turned into a perfectly established and smoothly running repressive machine."

Quite a paradoxical system of employee selection has been applied in Russian military and judicial authorities since the 2000s, i.e. since Vladimir Putin became the president. Honest prosecutors, policemen and judges are not profitable or convenient in the current law enforcement system. On the contrary, those who know how to obey and how to start a criminal trial against someone who got in the way, are in hight demand. I shared a prison ward with a former investigator. She had become an investigator out of a misplaced desire to do good that came from watching too many movies about good policemen in her childhood. She was sent to prison by her ex-husband, who was an actual cop.

In the 1990s she had been solving cases to help save people from bad cops and malicious prosecution, and that made her happy. In 2003, she left law enforcement because the work was not interesting for her anymore. No one needed to be investigated anymore and only obedience and hardcore loyalty to superiors were highly prized—including being ready to violate the law if ordered.

How have the people in Russia been reacting to this scandal? Are they even hearing about it?
According to recent polls, the 38 percent of Russians who are aware of the existence of the film Chaika consider the corruption schemes and connections to criminal groups demonstrated in the documentary to be typical phenomena essential to helping modern Russian authorities maintain order.

People often say: "But who's not mafia nowadays? Only corruption is in full bloom in our country. Mafia and corruption... and state authorities are the ones keeping everything under control. What can we do?"

Photo by Denis Sinyakov

How widespread is the corruption in the Russian government today?
The system of state authorities is not just infected with corruption—it is actually firmly based on it. If a judge acquits someone nowadays, his or her colleagues immediately start suspecting them of having been bribed. Most likely, after a series of such sentences such a judge will be fired because his or her superiors would be astonished that he or she could have accepted a bribe and not shared it with them. This is why the rate of acquittals in Russia is just 0.4 percent.

What needs to happen in order to counter this corruption—both from within Russia and from the international community?
1) The refusal to participate in corruption
2) The unveiling of evidence that proves the existence of many different kinds of corruption
3) A bottle of vodka

This video is highly stylized. Tell us about the creative process that you went through to come up with the aesthetic that we see in the video.
Russian authorities cannot even define their own aesthetic, so we had to help them. This video represents three aesthetic elements generally promoted by the state that truly disgust me:
1) Gilding everything to conceal the putrid core underneath—seen in the golden loaf of bread, and all the "Khokhloma" designs
2) "Zone"—represented by the prison camp where all the prisoners are tortured
3) Fascist populist nationalistic aesthetics—represented by the two-headed sea gull, the staging and choreography of the lady prosecutors, and the dances performed in the North Korean style.

First I was a bit anxious as to how those three elements were going to mesh together in the framework of one video, but I calmed down eventually. I realized that if everything failed to make sense together, it's wasn't our fault, because the video is supposed to be about the hideous aesthetic choices of our government officials.

Photo by Aleksandr Sofeev

What is the specific significance of some of the images and themes we see like gluttony, the golden bread, the iron, etc.?
Gluttony symbolizes the core values of the Russian governmental mafia. It is a quintessence of pococurantism, emptiness, surfeit, endless attempts at satiation with material possessions and utter hypocrisy—evidenced in the attempt to promote high moral values to its citizens. When we went to buy prosecutor's uniforms, the smallest size available was six sizes bigger than any of us could wear.

The gilded bread represents that famous ugly golden loaf found in Yanukovich's residence when he fled the country after the Ukrainian revolution in 2014. It appears in the video as a reminder to Putin of that nothing lasts forever. The iron, ropes, whip and handcuffs are classic torture tools, natural attributes of Russian state authority.

In this video, you've switched over to rap rather than your traditional punk rock vibe. Was this intentional? Why rap?
Just by accident! When we make music together, or with someone else, the goal is always to create something weird as hell. In as much as rap was something very weird and unusual for Pussy Riot, we achieved our mission here.

Photo by Aleksandr Sofeev

It's been almost exactly four years since your performance/protest at the Cathedral of Christ the Savior. Do you feel that the situation in Russia today is worse, better or unchanged since then?
Russia has turned into a different country since 2012. The most dreadful discovery took place at the end of February 2015, when we learned that you can not only be imprisoned but also shot dead in the center of Moscow because of your political activity. Many people still cannot believe that Boris Nemtsov, the Russian politician, is dead.

What do you hope this video will do for the people of Russia and the world?
Pussy Riot demands an immediate investigation into Prosecutor General Chaika and his family, as well as an investigation into all the top officials in his office. We hope that the video will help to convince people that we cannot live in a country where its top law enforcement official is the brightest symbol of corruption and murder. Pussy Riot hopes that people around the world will help us voice our outrage and turn Russia into a country where people like Chaika can no longer exist.

What's next for Pussy Riot?
FSB knows.

This interview has been edited for clarity.

Follow Dory Carr-Harris on Twitter.

Bill Cosby Could Dodge Sexual Assault Charges on a Weird Technicality

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In this courtroom sketch, attorneys Monique Pressley, left, Brian McMonagle, right, and Christopher Taybeck, second right, listen along with their client Bill Cosby, during Cosby's court appearance Tuesday in Norristown, Pennsylvania. (Jane Rosenberg via AP)

The lone sexual assault case against disgraced comedian Bill Cosby might not even make it to trial.

At a hearing Tuesday morning, lawyers for the 78-year-old entertainer grilled the former prosecutor who declined to charge Cosby back in 2005. That's when Andrea Constand, a Canadian who was working for the basketball program at Temple University in Philadelphia, first accused Cosby of drugging and assaulting her at his suburban home in 2004. Former Montgomery County District Attorney Bruce L. Castor Jr. told a judge Tuesday that he effectively gave Cosby immunity from criminal charges back then in order to compel him to testify in a civil suit instead.

"I decided that we would not prosecute Mr. Cosby and that would set a chain of events that would get some justice for Andrea Constand," the former district attorney said, suggesting that getting her money was "the best he could do." The civil suit was settled in 2006.

The problem is that there doesn't seem to be any written record of any deal—which Castor has denied was a formal one—and the lawyer who represented Cosby at the time is now dead. For his part, Kevin Steel, the new Montgomery County prosecutor who replaced Castor after unseating him last fall, says he won't throw out the case—even if evidence of a deal emerges. The whole situation is kind of a mess, and depending on what Judge Steven T. O'Neill decides, Castor's recollection of the alleged agreement could get Cosby off from the only criminal rape case against him on a mere technicality.

What makes the whole thing even stickier is that it was the very same civil suit testimony Cosby gave that inspired the new criminal case a decade later. According to an affidavit, Constand said she was at the sitcom star's house in 2004 when he offered her three blue pills and some wine. Constand added that she remembered being led to a couch and fondled, and when she came to at about 4 AM, Cosby allegedly led her to the door and said, "Alright."

According to Castor, when Constand first filed a police report, there wasn't enough evidence to charge Cosby. He added on the stand Tuesday that Constand was not behaving like a sexual assault victim when she reported the alleged crime, because she went to a lawyer before going to police. "I came to the conclusion that there was no way that the case could ever improve and get better with time absent Mr. Cosby's confession," Castor told the court Tuesday. "Andrea Constand's own actions during that year ruined her credibility as a viable witness."

For what it's worth, Castor added that he thinks the alleged victim was, in fact, touched inappropriately by Cosby, but didn't believe he could prove it.

Of course, when the deposition in the 2005-06 civil suit was unsealed last summer, key parts of Constand's allegations were corroborated. For instance, Cosby openly admitted to giving Quaaludes to women he wanted to have sex with, and the unsealing had an apparent domino effect, with dozens of women subsequently coming forward to say they had similar experiences where they allegedly got drugged and assaulted by the former sitcom star.

The public was so outraged by the revelations that the prosecution of Cosby quickly became politicized, adding a final wrinkle to the whole affair: Steel, the current prosecutor going after Cosby, promised to reopen the case if voters gave him Castor's job.

Cosby is charged with aggravated indecent assault, and faces up to ten years behind bars if the case goes to trial. The pre-trial hearing is expected to continue Wednesday.

Follow Allie Conti on Twitter.

Meet YouTube's 79-Year-Old Grandma Gamer

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Shirley Curry fan art. Image supplied

It is dusk. In front of you lies a steep path winding up towards a fortress in the clouds. The city is Solitude, capital of Skyrim, the setting for the popular fantasy roleplaying game The Elder Scrolls. It's a sort of parallel universe, but the strangest part is that your Skyrim guide also happens to be a 79-year-old grandmother.

If you're familiar with the labyrinthine subculture of online gaming then you might know who I'm talking about. For a woman who has lived through a world war, the invention of Pong, and the advent of the internet, Shirley Curry has managed to come out on top in a world unimaginably different to the one she grew up in. Known online as Gamer Grandma, she has won the hearts of 115,000 YouTube subscribers—double the population of the quaint Virginian town she calls home.

Shirley's love for gaming was sparked in the mid-90s when her son installed her first computer, along with a copy of seminal strategy game Civilization II. She obsessively worked her way through the entire franchise until Skyrim brought her addiction to a whole new level and introduced her to the world of YouTube gaming. Thanks to the charmingly named "Jacobthebro" who shared it on Reddit, Shirley's first gameplay video went viral in less than 24 hours. She woke up the next morning to an inbox flooded with 11,000 emails. "I just sat there and cried," she tells me over a crackly Skype connection. "I didn't know what to do with all of it."

As more and more YouTubers become household names, Shirley's story of stumbling into overnight fame by pursuing a niche hobby is rare. But fame has not come tax-free. Most of her waking hours are now spent recording gameplay, fielding emails, responding to comments, and keeping up to date with other YouTubers' content. It is an endless cycle, one that allows little time to indulge in her love of quilting or sci-fi novels, leaving her feeling "trapped" and "consumed."

Ironically enough, Shirley's YouTube fame has actually restricted the gaming she can enjoy to less than 30 minutes a day. "I wish I had time to play for hours like I used to, just for myself. Having to keep it to so many minutes ... is hard," she says wistfully. But being an eternal optimist who sees the silver lining in every iCloud, she seems largely unperturbed by just how much YouTube has altered her daily life.

Where most YouTube comment sections are characterized by their ability to reach new lows in petty slander, Shirley's videos are flooded with warm comments such as "Please adopt me... I'll bake you cookies." But even she is not without her haters. She alludes to trolls she's had to ban, many of whom accuse her of being a pre-pubescent prankster masquerading as a grandma.

As it stands, Shirley is the only older gamer on YouTube public about her identity, although she insists many more are lurking behind an avatar. "Older YouTubers should use their own pictures and put their age in their profile," she argues. "Then everybody would know there are lots of older people and it wouldn't be such a big deal." In her opinion, a refusal to hide and pretend older gamers don't exist is essential to fixing the online culture.

Shirley's DogHouse Systems gaming set up. Image supplied

Discourse around the lack of older voices online doesn't have to stop when we log off either. Change can and should begin IRL. Shirley makes the case that kids these days could take the initiative to bridge the generational gap by inviting older family members to game with them, even if it requires Estragon-esque patience. And does she follow her own advice? "No," she cackles. "But my grandkids think I'm cool."

Behind the celebrity facade, she is just another "noob" slaying pixelated dragons in her pajamas, and for Shirley this is enough. She is yet to cash a single check from her YouTube career, having only monetized her channel in early January. Instead, she seems content to simply keep on playing.

Shirley's diehard love for gaming left me ready to challenge my own grandmother to a round of Tekken, but beyond this what struck me most about our conversation was the idea that within the span of a few decades, older gamers won't be an invisible minority. They will be the norm.

Follow Xiaoran on Twitter.

Confessions of a...: Confessions of a Schoolteacher

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A teacher at a public high school in an impoverished neighborhood sits down in our chair and confesses things about her job while wearing a creepy mask.

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