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People Tell Us About the Clothes That Make Them Feel Cute

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Everyone has at least one thing in their wardrobe that they know they look good in. The thing that, even if you're debilitatingly hungover and have open sores on your face, you can throw on in the knowledge it will make you feel reasonably normal and less like a human sewer.

We spoke to six people about the clothes that make them feel cute.

TABITHA, 26

It's this heavy deep blue suede jacket, with pretty white stitching and slightly tacky gold buttons. It's some 70s cowboy shit – fake fur lining, boss level lapels. I saw it and had to have it; I love how original it is. It looks way more expensive than it was. If I wear it when I'm in a good mood it makes me feel like I can balance the masculine and feminine sides of myself more gracefully, which is also a pretty sexy way to feel.

JUICE, 28

On the face of it it's a very basic item: a white puffa coat. I love winter and the cold season, and down jackets and puffa coats are my thing. I've got at least 12, but this one is my favourite. I call them "fat coats" and think they're highly underrated – a lot of girls think you can't look sexy in a puffa, but I don't agree: if you can rock a fat coat with your outfit, your ratings go up for me.

Although this one is a recent addition to my collection, I've worn it loads since I got it. It's mad warm, has a high neck and, most importantly, it's white, which means that not only does it accentuate my ever-fading tan over the winter months, but also looks wavey with pretty much everything. The only downside is that the white colour and high neck combination leads to some visible bronzer residue situations, but I've got to fake a glow somehow.

GREG, 24

Back in 2013, Mark McNairy previewed these dungarees in his S/S14 runway show, made from this desert tiger camo ripstop fabric with daisies embroidered all over in a polka dot pattern. The moment I saw them it was like, "Right. Those. Mine." I knew it was going to be at least like six months until they released them, but I still checked his notoriously crap website on a weekly basis in the hopes that they'd be there. Spring came and went, and there was still no sign of them. I'd basically concluded that they were just a "statement piece", or something they weren't going to actually release. Then one week they were there, and in my size. I bought them so fast my wallet got whiplash. To this day they remain my favourite piece of clothing in my wardrobe. They're summery as hell, like proper sunshine and smiling faces, so there's probably about eight days in the British calendar where it's actually weather-appropriate to wear them, but the moment the flowers start coming out in the spring I put them on: they're basically my own personal springtime signifier. Whenever I wear them I feel like the cutest thing in the world. Every time I wear them out I get people coming up to me telling me how much they love them, how cool they are, and all I say back is, "I know."

ALEX, 26

At some point during the summer just gone by I took a little break from getting fucked up on the weekends and had a stint of sobriety. I bought a blank white denim jacket off eBay and set about making the jacket above. It took three long days of drawing and painting to complete it. I'd drawn the cartoon at an earlier date, inspired by the shape of my drunken weekends, and missing them motivated me to revisit it and paint the jacket. I feel a bit on edge about ruining it when I wear it, so try to be selective about where I wear it; I've already got a few annoying stout stains on it. I always get a lot of positive attention for it, too, which is nice.

NADINE, 28

When I bought the kilt it was knee length and I cut it way too short but loved it. It's still my safety piece when I can't be arsed thinking of what to wear. Dressed up or down, through winter and summer, it's really been there for me. I didn't expect to feel so sentimental about it when I bought it but I've had it for almost ten years now, so it's seen it all. It's so done in now that I have to use safety pins to hold it together, but I don't care – it's still my fave.

LILY, 27

These sunglasses are the leftover currency of a past relationship; a physical reminder of the memories I once shared with a really special person. They suit me down to a tee. That's just what my boyfriend at the time knew. I know you shouldn't place emotional value in monetary goods, but I look good in these sunglasses and remember being in love when I wear them.

More on VICE:

How New Balance Shoes Got Co-Opted By Neo-Nazis

Why Are So Many People So Obsessed with Supreme?

All the Awful People You'll Meet at Fashion Week


The VICE Morning Bulletin

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Everything you need to know about the world this morning, curated by VICE.



Photo by Milos Bicanski/Getty Images

US News

Obama Warns Against 'Crude' Nationalism
Speaking in Greece on what may be his last formal trip overseas, President Obama warned against a "crude sort of nationalism" in many parts of the world. "We are going to have to guard against... tribalism that is built around an us and a them," he said. Obama also said dividing people by race, religion, or ethnicity was "dangerous."—The Washington Post

Trump Team Considering Muslim Registry, Advisor Says
Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach claims he has discussed a plan to create a registry for immigrants from Muslim countries with Donald Trump's policy advisors. Kobach, an immigration hawk, compared the potential registry to measures put in place after 9/11.—Reuters

McConnell Expects Reelection as Senate Majority Leader
Mitch McConnell is expected to be made the Senate majority leader again Wednesday after the unanimous reelection of Paul Ryan as Speaker of the House by fellow Republicans a day earlier.—USA Today

International News

Assad Hopes Trump Can Be 'Ally'
Syrian president Bashar al Assad thinks President-elect Donald Trump may be "a natural ally" thanks to his hawkish stance on Islamic terrorism. Speaking about Trump's campaign promise to focus on fighting ISIS rather than the Syrian regime, Assad said: "I would say this is promising, but can he deliver?"—AFP

Warships to Help New Zealand with Quake Evacuation
Ships with US, Canadian, and Australian naval forces are heading to New Zealand to help with the evacuation of Kaikoura, the town completely cut off by recent landslides. Some 600 people were evacuated Wednesday.—BBC News

Suicide Bomber on Motorbike Kills Four in Kabul
A suicide bomber has killed at least four people in the Afghanistan capital of Kabul using a motorbike. Several more were wounded when the attacker detonated the device next to a vehicle carrying security officials, and ISIS has since claimed responsibility for the attack.—Reuters

Jakarta Governor Made Suspect in Blasphemy Probe
Accused of insulting the Qur'an, the Christian governor of Jakarta has been named by Indonesian police as a suspect in a blasphemy investigation. After complaints about how Basuki Tjahaja Purnama used Qur'anic verse, police have banned him from leaving the country and recommended his case be tried in court.—Al Jazeera

Everything Else

Prince Label Launches Lawsuit Against Roc Nation
Prince's estate is reportedly suing Jay-Z's label Roc Nation for copyright infringement, alleging the streaming service Tidal has been featuring much of the late musician's back catalog without authorization.—Rolling Stone

Nintendo Shares Jump After Announcing Mario Game Release Date
The Japanese video game giant saw its shares spike by several percentage points after announcing an imminent release date for the Super Mario Run iPhone game. The Nintendo game will will be available on December 15 for $9.99.—CNBC News

'Post-Truth' Chosen as Word of the Year
Oxford Dictionaries has selected "post-truth" as its international word of the year for 2016. Casper Grathwohl, president of Oxford Dictionaries, said increased use of the term reflected "a growing distrust of facts offered up by the establishment."—TIME

Tinder Expands Gender Identity Options
Tinder users will now have dozens of choices for gender identity, after the company announced it is doing away with binary gender options. Users will also get the option to create their own custom identity.—VICE News

A$AP Ferg Produces Marty Baller Short Film
Harlem rapper Marty Baller has followed up the release of his debut mixtape MartyGraW with a short film of the same name, premiered on Noisey. Produced by A$AP Ferg, it explains Baller's backstory.—Noisey

'Stranger Things' Kid Stars in What May Be First Drone Movie
A 13-minute movie called The Circle, starring Ryan Phillippe and Noah Schnapp—Will Byers from Stranger Things—was shot entirely with Chinese drone-maker DJI's new Inspire 2 camera. It is thought to be the first movie exclusively shot by drone.—Motherboard

Desus and Mero Weigh the Pros and Cons of Sex Robots

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Who needs true love when you have a robot you can fuck? With technology rapidly progressing the way it is, it's not a huge stretch to think that we could be living in a Westworld future sometime soon. But while it's possible these literal sex machines could be better in bed than your current partner, it's unlikely that they'll put up with your shit like a real significant other would.

In the most recent episode of Desus & Mero, the co-hosts unpack the various pros and cons of getting hot and heavy with some AI. Then, Desus and Mero talk Lin-Manuel Miranda's high school bully, the Knicks, and the Yankees. Check out the entire clip above.

Make sure to watch last night's Desus & Mero for free online now, and catch new episodes weeknights at11 PM ET/PT on VICELAND.

Trump's America Feels as Terrifying as the Colombia of My Youth

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The author in Colombia as a child. Photo courtesy the author

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I'm waiting for a flight at LAX Wednesday morning, on a layover between JFK and a film festival I was set to report on in Los Cabos, Mexico, when I finally break down. The tears I had tried to keep to myself have finally defeated me, and I find myself helplessly sobbing. I'm more than 2,000 miles away from the person I want to hug the most: the man I married earlier this year and with whom I've set about building a life here in the United States.

I'm surrounded by strangers. I wonder if they can tell why I'm crying. Can they see in my face that these are tears of anger? Of fear and hopelessness? It's an infuriatingly familiar feeling—one I grew up with in Colombia, and one I thought I had finally escaped.

From a very young age, I lived with a special kind of trepidation, one tied up in the very image my country created for itself. The parochialism that governed the Colombia I knew meant that as a closeted gay boy, I felt alienated from the patriotism uncritically championed by so many of my peers. Those boys who cheered for the Colombian soccer team, made a ruckus on our independence day, and lived their lives with an effortlessness I envied were the same ones who'd call me a marica during school lunches and mock my effeminate tastes. I'd see their toxic machismo replicated in telenovelas and schoolyard gossip, in family anecdotes and overheard conversations. That feeling of inadequacy followed me throughout my childhood, and spurred me to find a way out.

The doctrines of the Catholic Church, inextricably linked to Colombian culture, made it clear to me that homosexuality was a sin. And the country's machismo is so deeply entrenched that its declaration of homosexuality as a protected identity (as of the 1991 constitution) felt like a hollow promise. Even as the movement toward LGBTQ equality gained steam in the late 1990s, one that would eventually turn Colombia into one of Latin America's most progressive countries for LGBTQ rights, I spent my teenage years reading about hate crimes in the morning paper, posturing to avoid being dubbed a fag, and recoiling from the gay stereotypes being paraded as topical humor on TV. It all became too much; I was neither brave nor foolish enough to come out while living at home.

It's how I ended up abroad. The story I crafted in my mind was that Bogotá was this unsafe and homophobic city I had to flee, which I did—first to Vancouver, and later to New York. I felt like I'd somehow stumbled onto these blissfully progressive safe havens where I'd be shielded from all that tormented me in my childhood. But what I so badly wanted to render real has turned out to be a fiction.

Terror and homophobia, violence and hatred, intolerance and cruelty exist everywhere, even—and especially—here in the United States. The boastful rhetoric that fueled the most implausible of presidential campaigns this year ("Make America Great Again") reeks of the most unbearable of America's traits: its unwavering belief in its own exceptionalism. In a way, it speaks to how the country deluded itself into that belief in the same way I deluded myself into thinking things would be different here.

But I know, too, what it feels like to live with a deep mistrust of political institutions. To worry for your safety knowing those at the top (and at the polls) gleefully loathe who you are. Growing up in a developing country leads you to be outright skeptical of any claims to be the best. I don't know what it would be like to grow up in a country that tells itself it's the best, even when faced with daily reminders of the obvious falseness of such claims.

Watch "FARC Commander Antonia Simon Narino on Finding Peace in Colombia":

Between sobs, I text my mom. I tell her that I made it safely to LAX and try to put into words the anger and frustration and fear and hopelessness I'm feeling. She tries to be conciliatory: "You shouldn't worry too much. You have your papers now. We just have to wait and see what approach he takes. In the end, the United States has many more rights and much more tolerance than a country like Colombia." She even went so far as to quote her favorite line from Gone with the Wind: "After all, tomorrow is another day." It only enrages me further, because it echoes the hollow beliefs that led me here in the first place.

As I board my plane to Mexico, I begin to dread my return, and the very moment when I'll hand my Colombian passport to an immigration officer and see their demeanor shift. Their open smiles will change into prim frowns; their eyes will glance me over suspiciously. My appearance and lack of accent always unsettles them. In other circumstances, the "reveal" that I am Colombian (yes, born and raised; yes, my family is all from there; yes I'm the only one living abroad; yes, I know I have no discernible accent) leads to my least favorite comeback.

"Wow! I never would've guessed!"

To defuse the flash of anger I feel at these moments, I resort to humor. "Thank you," I say, making a point to smile. I always enjoy the awkward moment that follows. It's the politeness that unsettles people. They can't bear confronting their words as the tacit and borderline offensive compliment they were, the need to mark my whiteness as something that would preclude me from being from where I'm from.

There's no moment of levity in these moments; the politeness I deploy as a party trick is instead a reminder that no matter how I look or sound, no matter how many degrees I have, no matter my marital status, I am always, at that precise moment, an alien.

These encounters are usually pretty uneventful. Except when they're not.

I was visiting my family when the Boston bombing happened. Early reports suggested that those responsible had entered the country with expired student visas. I braced myself for the worst. Sure enough, despite having all my paperwork in line (how silly to have thought that would help), and despite having never been stopped while traveling this same route with the same paperwork for five years prior, the immigration officer at the Fort Lauderdale airport asked me to step aside, directed me to a waiting room filled with people, handed my passport and papers to one of his colleagues, and walked away. I knew better than to ask for clarification. I could see that no one there had any idea what they were doing with our papers, let alone how long we'd be waiting. I missed my connecting flight, learning just how little those working the border thought of us in the process.

That night I spent in Florida came flooding back as we took off from LAX. "Never have I felt as unwelcome in this country as I do now," I remember texting my partner. What felt like an isolated incident has suddenly become an unshakeable reality. Making America Great Again is a violent threat to many of us, even those who may not immediately feel its effects.

Will I continue to enjoy freedom of commerce, the same standard of healthcare, protection against discrimination? Despite Trump's words, will my marriage remain intact? Will my ability to stay in this country be placed into jeopardy? Will these questions never not sound like melodramatic pronouncements? They are frightening, sure, but given everything else we've seen over Trump's rise to power, they're hardly as terrifying as what others must be asking themselves.

Growing up in a country that had no choice but to understand its armed conflict as an ongoing reality, reports of violence both near and far were commonplace during my childhood. They littered our newspapers and filled our newscasts. You couldn't escape it even if, as I did, you lived a pretty privileged life. To live with violence that was both present yet remote built a disconnect in my mind: I lived with a sense of terror that was so commonplace I could nearly ignore it, yet so obviously distant from my life that I often struggled to conceive of it as real.

It's disheartening to know that years of living in such a state will have prepared me for what's to come.

Follow Manuel Betancourt on Twitter.

Meet the Doctor Who Runs the Only Clinic for Trans Children in the UK

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Matt, who features in the documentary, was born a girl but wants to transition to a boy. All images courtesy of Channel 4

This post originally appeared on VICE UK.

It's fair to say Dr. Polly Carmichael is one of a broad brush of people you could describe with the accolade "hated by the Daily Mail."

She is the country's leading clinical psychologist in the area of transgender children. Her clinic at the Tavistock and Portman Centre in north London is the only NHS service dealing with gender identity for under 18-year-olds. Which means she is, as tabloid scare stories would have you believe, the doctor leading the charge of "playing God" by giving young children hormone inhibitors to block puberty and treat a "fashionable syndrome" that has become a "social tyranny."

In reality, hormone therapy—an intervention that can temporarily pause puberty while children have a chance to think about what they want to do—is just part of the work done by Carmichael's clinic. The Gender Identity Development Service works with children who are experiencing gender dysphoria—a feeling that they have been born into the wrong gender, or don't fit into the neat boy-girl definitions society dictates. Her caseload has increased massively over the last few years. In 1989, when the clinic opened, it got two referrals over the whole year. In the year 2015/16, it had more than 1,400—double the year before. The waiting list for her clinic has risen from up to 18 weeks to nine months.

The clinic is already under the spotlight, and it will be even more so after a Channel 4 documentary that looks at the work Carmichael and her team do via two children with gender dysphoria and their parents. The program is part of a three-part series looking at the growing crisis in young people's mental health, told through the eyes of the Tavistock—one of England's leading mental health trusts.

We spoke to Polly to find out why she agreed to open her clinic up to film cameras, how she deals with the intense scrutiny on her work by the tabloids, and whether or not doctors are having to become more political.


Dr. Polly Carmichael

VICE: Your clinic is under a lot of scrutiny at the moment. You've been accused of "messing with God" by offering hormone blockers to young children—is that a new thing, or is it just that people have more awareness of these issues now?
Dr. Polly Carmichael: Hormone treatment was around in the 1980s. It's been available in Holland and over here for many, many years. At that stage, it was available at the end of puberty—so not before the age of 16.

So why are blockers being used on kids under the age of 16 now?
We started introducing the blocker in the early stages of puberty here in 2011. There was a lot of pressure coming from certain group to introduce it—families were traveling abroad because they knew it was available in Holland and America. As a service, we didn't have the evidence one way or the other, so the best way to do it was as part of a research study.

The idea is that if you intervene in that early stage, you won't have experiences of secondary sex characteristics, such as breasts or Adam's apple. So if the young person decides that this is the pathway they wish to follow, they won't later on have to undertake procedures like top surgery.

There are many strong views about what is the best way to treat young people with gender dysphoria. It's incredibly hard—there isn't a blood test for this... we're working in an area where the outcomes are uncertain. In a sense, this is an area that's now in the public domain, and a lot of philosophical, ethical, empirical things are being thrashed out, if you like.

And where do you see your role in this?
We are often involved with families and young people over a number of years. Not all of them will ultimately decide to go through with physical intervention later on—around 40 percent of young people who come to the service will. Our role is to provide opportunities for them to explore their gender identity, think about their options, and the potential pros and cons of treatment. And actually, that's quite challenging when you're in a domain where there is a lot of media, a lot on the internet, lots of very strong opinions. As a service, we're trying to hold that middle ground.

At times your clinic hasn't just been challenged but vilified. How does that make you feel about the work you do?
I'd say, in general, for every one of those headlines, there's also the other side of that—which is that we should be doing everything sooner, quicker, earlier. Having said that, I believe in freedom of speech, and what's felt quite positive recently is that it does feel like there are different voices being heard—and there is a danger where you get into a place where you're afraid to say anything for fear of being accused of being transphobic. I don't think that's helpful for people with gender dysphoria. The fact that there can be different voices is a positive thing.

Ash, who features in the documentary, was born a boy. She wants to transition to a girl.

In the documentary, it's clear that children and parents have so much more information and access to these debates through social media and the rest of the internet. Do you think this affects their decisions?
It would be accurate to say that more younger people than ever before seem to be very aware of physical possibilities in terms of surgery. So what would actually be helpful for young people is allowing debate to happen, and perhaps giving them an understanding that there are different points of view, and it's not that one is right and one is wrong.

It's also about hanging onto the fact that gender is diverse. We are not seeing all people expressing gender dysphoria identifying in a binary way—they may describe themselves as non binary, gender-queer... So, in a sense, things are still emerging, really. But I think what is probably more helpful is to think of gender as a sort of continuum rather than these boxes.

Do you think your role has had to become more political in recent years in response to the attention your clinic is now getting?
I don't think that working with young people coming to this service should be political. But I think it would be naïve to say that gender is not political, because it is. Only last year we had the Women and Equalities Committee's transgender equality inquiry in Parliament, and there's loads of legislation . Gender and trans has been taken up in the political arena. I think the impact that has on us, though, is that there's more and more discussion of gender and strong views, and that those views are often played out in the political arena.

The documentary really shows how difficult these decisions are for families, and how hard the decisions are to make within this wider political context. Is that why you did the documentary now?
There has always been a big interest in filming around this area, and we've obviously had a number of people approach us over the years. I think we got to a stage where it was so much in the media—and not all of it necessarily in a sensationalist way. Ten years ago, you'd come back from holiday, and it'd be front page of the Sun, "Youngest child ever goes to school as a girl." They were very misinformed and simplistic headlines. I suppose we got to a point that, if we were going to do it, now was the time.

The final thing that swayed it was we have a stakeholders group of young people who are users of our service. Unanimously, every single person in that group really wanted to do it. They thought it would bring about more understanding and acceptance. Also, quite a few of them said that they pieced together their own feelings through seeing a character on television. So we just thought maybe it was a good idea to stop being so paternalistic.

A Trump Gun Guy's To-Do List for the New White House

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Donald Trump Jr. speaks to supporters of his father, presidential candidate Donald Trump, at Howell's Gun Shop in Gray, Maine, on Tuesday, October 25, 2016. Photo by Derek Davis/Portland Press Herald via Getty Images

A version of this article originally appeared on the Trace.

In the waning days of the presidential race, Donald Trump's campaign quietly announced the formation of a "coalition" dedicated to protecting the Second Amendment. The 62-member group would be helmed by the president-elect's eldest son, Donald Trump Jr., along with Chris Cox, the National Rifle Association's top lobbyist. "These leaders will continue to advise Mr. Trump and Governor Pence as they protect our Supreme Court and our right to keep and bear arms,"a press release said.

John Boch, the executive director of Illinois-based group Guns Save Life, was one of those named to the coalition. In an interview with the Trace, Boch says he is eager to share with the new administration his views on how to dismantle decades of presidential actions on firearms—just as soon as he is asked.

"I am looking forward to helping protect and defend the Second Amendment over the course of a generation or two," he told the Trace by phone, noting that he was cleaning his gun while he chatted.

The list of policies that Boch is eager to see eliminated is similar to those of other gun activists: He wants aggressive legislation that will force states to honor concealed-carry permits issued by states with looser gun laws. He also wants Trump to roll back many other, less-known measures implemented by his predecessors, including the elimination of restrictions on purchases of Chinese guns.

The agenda Boch proposes highlights the intent of gun rights advocates to undo as many federal firearms regulations as they can. They have good cause for their optimism: Trump ran the most assertively pro-gun campaign in memory, backed by record-breaking funding from the NRA.

Here's what Boch told the Trace he's expecting President Trump to do:

Rescind a slate of executive actions issued by President Obama. That list includes 23 relating to guns signed after the 2012 massacre at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut. Those actions include ordering the Centers for Disease Control to research gun violence; declaring that doctors are not barred under the Affordable Care Act from asking patients about gun ownership; and creating incentives for states to report information into the National Instant Background Check system.

Most recently, in January, Obama announced that any and all firearms dealers engaged in the business of selling guns must obtain a federal license and conduct background checks on all buyers.

Trump promised to "veto" the background check directive, adding: "I will unsign that so fast."

Trump, in fact, cannot veto or unsign Obama's move, which was technically a public announcement of a clarification by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF) of existing law. But he can announce a reversal of Obama's steps, which would have the same result.

Remove limits on arming service members at military facilities, such as recruitment centers. Few military offices are "gun-free," though firearms at facilities are restricted by a decades-old Defense Department policy limiting who can carry weapons to those service-members who specifically apply and undergo training to do so in military offices. Trump vowed to "mandate that soldiers remain armed and on alert at our military bases."

Revoke restrictions on importing Chinese guns and ammunition. Some gun enthusiasts hope to buy Chinese arms manufacturer Norinco's MAK-90, a version of the AK-47 semi-automatic, and other knockoffs of popular brands the company makes. Those who want to purchase these guns believe they would be relatively cheap, and in some cases object philosophically to restrictions on buying them. Laws that effectively prevent importing Chinese weapons and components date to a 1989 executive order signed by President George H.W. Bush that banned foreign-made semi-automatic guns. In 1994, President Bill Clinton also barred sales by China's biggest gunmaker, as a part of a trade deal. In 2003, under President George W. Bush, the Treasury Department further banned imports of Norinco after the company was accused of violating international nonproliferation laws by selling missile parts to Iran.

Make silencers legal again. Boch wants the Trump administration to work with allies in the Republican-dominated Congress to pass legislation that permits use of silencers, which are currently banned under the 1934 Firearms Control Act. Some gun users say they want silencers to prevent potential hearing damage and reduce noise that bothers others nearby.

Boch and another member of the coalition who spoke with the Trace said they know of no plans to meet or formally communicate. Aides to two members of Congress listed as co-chairs of the coalition said that they were unaware that the lawmakers had even been named to the group.

But Boch says he doesn't really care: His candidate is headed to the White House, and he feels secure. "I don't see a whole lot of limits to what we can do," he says.

A version of this article was originally published by the Trace, a nonprofit news organization covering guns in America. Sign up for the newsletter, or follow the Trace on Facebook or Twitter.

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A Strange Tale Starring the First Female Superhero

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This story appeared in the November issue of VICE magazine. Click HERE to subscribe.

Fletcher Hanks was born in December 1887. He grew up in Oxford, Maryland. When he was 23 years old, his indulgent mother paid for him to take a correspondence course in cartooning. Two years later, he married. According to Fletcher Hanks Jr., his second child of four, Hanks was an abusive father and an alcoholic. He made money by painting murals for wealthy people in Westchester and then spent all of it on alcohol. Hanks Jr. says his father once bought a barrel of whiskey and rolled it into the forest with four friends for a weeklong bender. Over the course of the week, the men decided to wrestle, and one man accidentally broke another man's neck. No one was ever punished.

In 1930, Hanks left his family. He disappeared without a word, along with all the money that his not-yet-adolescent son had saved mending fishing nets in town.

For only two years, between 1939 and 1941, at the outset of the golden age of comic books, Hanks drew and published work with four publishers. Renowned cartoonist Paul Karasik described Hanks as "the first great comic book auteur," because he wrote, penciled, inked, and lettered all of his own stories. His work is so strange it is often described as "outsider art," but Hanks was a journeyman insider, working at a fevered pace to earn a living and support his drinking habit. His art is weird, naïve, and dreamy, and he never fails at telling a story. And many other sophisticated aspects shine. His work fetishizes punishment and keeps showing people hanging in the air. He drew his superhero Stardust flying facedown, so he looks like he's drowning. Most of his panels include abstract compositions of celestial patterns or silhouetted figures floating in space. Many superheroes of the era focus on saving the innocent, but Hanks's characters are much more interested in punishing the guilty. In fact, the comic's stories are often merely setups for the heroes to unleash bizarre torture on the villains.

Hanks stopped drawing abruptly in 1941; no one knows why. Family members speculate that he married a wealthy woman, and no longer needed to work for a living. Comic book artists speculate that he burned out. Hanks Jr. arranged to see his father one time, years after he abandoned the family. It was in a hotel lobby in New York City. It did not go well. Hanks, drunk, asked his son for money. Many years later, he was found dead, frozen on a park bench in Manhattan on January 22, 1976.

The following comic centers on Hanks's second most popular creation, Fantomah, the first female superhero. Look at the beautiful color of the mud used to punish the villainous white explorer. Look and appreciate the beauty created by a monster.NICK GAZIN, ART EDITOR



Turn Loose Our Death Rays and Kill Them All: The Complete Works of Fletcher Hanks ships November 16 from Fantagraphics.

This story appeared in the November issue of VICE magazine. Click HERE to subscribe.

We Asked a Lawyer What You Can Do If Someone Steals Your Drugs

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Notorious Baltimore stickup man Omar Little from 'The Wire.' Photo via HBO


You're kicking back on your couch, watching TV, when a couple guys from around the way who know about your weed stash burst through the front door. Maybe they wave a gun or two around, but the most important thing is they make off with all your pot. Or you're walking down the street and get robbed at knifepoint for that molly in your pocket. Or you notice that a friend of a friend you've invited to a party at your place take off—only to realize he swiped the small bag of coke you left on the dresser.

So... what do you do now? Should you call the cops and report that someone stole your illegal drugs? Only a complete idiot would do that, right? But if you did, can the law help you in any way in the aforementioned scenarios? (For purposes of this discussion, we're talking strictly about illegal, controlled substances and not, for example, lawfully obtained prescription pills or authorized amounts of marijuana in states in which recreational or medical pot is legal.)

For answers, we turned to Greg Gifford. He's a prominent Philadelphia-area criminal defense attorney who, over his 32 years in practice, has dealt with these scenarios from all conceivable angles, having represented people who had their drugs stolen and those who did the stealing.

"If you're a dealer, you're screwed, but if you're a user..."

First off: Sorry, you're not getting your drugs back. "It's not happening," Gifford laughs. "If police investigate and end up locating your stolen drugs and seizing them, they're not giving them back to you." Same goes for any drug paraphernalia.

Theoretically, Gifford muses, you could attempt to recoup the financial value of your drugs by suing the thief in civil court, but your chances of victory are infinitesimal. "A victim could try to argue that, 'Hey, this guy stole my property and I paid $500 for it, and nobody can prove it was illegal property because it doesn't exist anymore and hey, maybe it was actually a fake narcotic...'" the attorney says. "But making that case would be extremely difficult. You'd have to have some kind of physical proof, and if all you've got is the guy's admission saying, 'Yeah, I stole your heroin, your cocaine, your pot,' most judges, I'd imagine, would just toss . I've yet to see someone try something like that, and I wouldn't recommend it."

Most dealers, Gifford adds, probably should just chalk up having their drugs stolen to the dangers of doing that kind of business—and count themselves lucky they weren't killed. "I'd tell any dealer to get out of the business while you still can," he says.




That doesn't mean you can't pursue the people behind a burglary, a home invasion, or robbery that deprives you of drugs—even if you expose yourself to potential criminal charges by bringing the cops into things.



"If you're a dealer, you're screwed, but if you're a user, everyone wants to work with you, so you should absolutely call the police, especially if you've been robbed at gunpoint or knifepoint," Gifford says. "You can get justice against the people who robbed you with perhaps some residual issues toward yourself in certain instances. But for the most part, a user will get in virtually no trouble."



If, say, you forgot about those baggies on your kitchen table when police respond to your report of a burglary—and Gifford says that kind of thing happens all the time—as long as you cooperate with the investigation and prosecution, it's nearly a lock that any charges filed against you will be dropped or substantially downgraded. That's especially true these days, with many states becoming less punitive and more treatment-oriented when it comes to drugs. (Whether that continues under the reign of President Trump remains to be seen, but issues involving small amounts of stolen drugs mostly concerns local and state law.)

The kicker, in some instances, is you may have to agree to testify in court against any defendants in your case—or agree to seek substance abuse treatment.

"Most of the people who rob drugs from others expect the victims will never do anything for fear of getting into trouble. But the police don't want that to be a chilling effect," says Gifford. "If they just hammer everybody who says they were robbed of drugs, then nobody's gonna go to the police, and they're not gonna catch these criminals and someone just might wind up dead the next time it happens."

Gifford says that in all of those cases, he's made sure to get a commitment from police that they would honor any such deals extended to his clients.

But what about the possibility that cops might go back on their word? "Well, that greatly concerns me," Gifford admits. "It's no secret that in the pursuit of criminal justice, police are allowed to lie in certain situations."

Still, the defense lawyer continues, "In most jurisdictions, if the district attorney or the police give their word to an attorney, they usually keep their word. For the public, a lot of times it's very important to know who your top law enforcement person is in your area and whether they believe in enforcing that someone's word is their bond. You can get in writing from the district attorney's office, but from the police themselves, you've just got to trust them, and in 32 years, I've never been burned."

As Gifford points out, word tends to hit the street quickly when cops renege on deals, making it less likely people will cooperate with them. That tends to work against cops' own interests as far as solving serious crimes and prosecuting cases.

But the bottom line is, when it comes to simple, nonviolent theft involving a relatively small amount of illegal drugs, there's really not much point in getting authorities involved. "The reality is if it's not a burglary or a robbery, where the police are trying to find people who are really dangerous and get them off the street, you're going to have a fairly difficult time going to the police and saying, 'Hey, my buddy was over the house and stole my weed,'" Gifford smiles. "I wouldn't expect much to come of that. Unfortunately, that's probably something you're just going to have to address directly with your buddy."

Follow Michael Goldberg on Twitter.


Connected: Exploring Toronto's South Asian Diaspora with Hatecopy

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For this episode of Connected, Toronto artist Maria Qamar aka Hatecopy takes us through her work that examines what it's like being a young Desi girl being pulled between traditional values and a modern digital life. We follow her to Brampton, Ontario to meet her friends and co-conspirators who keep her on her toes and push her creatively.

Presented by The Chevrolet Spark

Movember: How to Be Chill About Mental Health

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Dealing with mental health issues can be tough—for those suffering, as well as those who know people struggling through it. We wanted to hear from some of our favourite people who have gone through their own mental health challenges to find out what it was like, how they dealt with it, and what we can do to be a friend to someone going through it.

Presented by the Movember Foundation

Rapture Me Up, Daddy: Trump, the End of the World, and Me

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Illustration by Joe Frontel

The Rapture Index is currently at an all-time high rating of 189.

At least, that's the highest it's been since 1987, when RaptureReady.com's founder and "roving rapture reporter" Todd Strandberg started predicting the imminence of a "pre-tribulation rapture," the moment when all true believers will be slurped up into heaven, the Antichrist will rise to power and precisely seven years of unspeakable suffering will be unleashed on those left behind.

The index—calculated by adding up 45 metrics including Beast Government, Wild Weather, and False Christs—was recently bumped up from the previous assessment of 188 due to four US states voting to legalize recreational marijuana. Even that number was well beyond the 130-160 window of "heavy prophetic activity" and 160+ threshold of "fasten your seat belts." We're very much in the danger zone.

Of course, this probably sounds totally batshit, but the US did just vote for a President Trump, so who the fuck knows anymore.

But the Rapture—largely popularized by the intensely popular Left Behind book and film series, the latter of which suffered from a deeply dull Nicolas Cage-led reboot in 2014—remains a fundamental assumption of mainstream evangelical Christianity, the powerful religious bloc that just helped Donald Trump get elected as the next president.

The idea was originally popularized by an Irish evangelist named John Nelson Darby in the 1830s via a mishmash of Old Testament prophecies with the apocalyptic Book of Revelation.

Amy Frykholm, author of Rapture Culture: Left Behind in Evangelical America, told VICE there's "very little Biblical undergirding" for it minus a handful of vague and unconnected verses such as "there will be two men in the field; one will be taken and one will be left" and "there will be a time of distress such as has not happened from the beginning of nations."

But the Rapture still holds amazing sway over North American evangelical culture, providing a massive theological excuse not care about climate change, poverty, or really much at all given that everything could end at any moment.

In 2010, a Pew Research Center poll suggested that 41 percent of Americans believe that the Second Coming will take place by the year 2050, with that number rising to 58 percent among white evangelicals.

"Among lay people it's just a given that the Rapture's going to happen," says Matthew Avery Sutton, history professor at Washington State University and author of American Apocalypse: A History of Modern Evangelicalism, in an interview with VICE. "Most evangelical churches would be shocked to find out that this is a 150-year-old concept and not a 2,000-year-old Biblical concept."

Frykholmagrees: "The default view of most US-based people is there will be a Rapture. If you push them on how they think the world will end they've got some sort of root belief about the Rapture."

I was once one of those people.

One of the most vivid memories of my childhood was being convinced the Rapture had come and that demonic locusts were literally about to descend because the sun happened to be an intense blood red on a Calgary summer afternoon. Of course, the sun was probably that particular shade because of a nearby wildfire or something perfectly explainable.

But that's what happens when you're a kid who literally burned Harry Potter books in a fireplace because they were "evil," choosing to instead plow through the sprawling 16-book Left Behind series on a summer vacation like a total fucking dweeb.

Many of us who grew up evangelical—a group which encompasses about 10 percent of Canadians and 25 percent of Americans—have such stories. One of the most common iterations is arriving home from school, parents not being around and quickly inducing that your family had been raptured.

Which of course would mean that you weren't a "true" Christian—having perhaps once said "the prayer' but not actually meant it—and was about to face the wrath of a full seven years of getting stretched on the rack by a mid-level demon or some totally heinous shit; kids under the "age of accountability" will supposedly get a free pass as they don't have the capability to knowingly "give their lives to Christ," but the specific age is up for debate (as with everything concerning the Rapture).

For evangelicals, the threat isn't simply the threat of Dante's Inferno on the horizon, something to ultimately be confronted in one's old age with a last-minute admission of guilt and repentance.

The existence of the Rapture means that Jesus might come back at any moment and trigger the literal end of the world. This looming reality certainly puts quite a damper on jacking off, or skipping class, or doing anything that isn't praying and being a narc.

It's thus no coincidence that the most renown and hilariously shitty Rapture film of all time was titled Thief in the Night, a callback to a verse from 1 Thessalonians about when the "day of the Lord" would come. (Nobody seems to know why exactly Young Thug deployed the iconic phrase as a name for one his best songs of 2015).

Every sin—or even every imagined sin, due to that clause in Matthew about how thinking about fucking someone equalling adultery—must be immediately and sincerely atoned for. This can cause significant levels of psychological trauma. For instance, I used to have a strict Rapture-insurance policy of an hour-or-so of worshipping and pleading forgiveness after looking at porn.

Sutton says the Rapture was actually a relatively minority view until after World War II, when Billy Graham started his insensitively named Crusades in 1947.

But it was the 1972 Thief in the Night, combined with Larry Norman's 1969 terrifying song "I Wish We'd All Been Ready" and Hal Lindsey's nearly incoherent 1970 book The Late Great Planet Earth, that shocked many hippy-era evangelicals into frantic "conversion experiences."

Sutton explains: "The Rapture offers hope to people and says: One, they know what's going on and why it's happening; and two, they're going to escape, they're not going to go through the Tribulation, they're going to be the ones who are ultimately going to have the last laugh and be safe with Christ while the rest of us implode and end up in this nuclear apocalyptic chaos."

By the early 1970s, many theologians and religious leaders had started downplaying the Rapture because they'd realized that World War II hadn't concluded in armageddon as anticipated—evangelicals have quite the propensity for subpar forecasting—which Sutton says "opened the door for people to step in and create these much more popularized, much less theologically sophisticated arguments for the Rapture."


That trend reached its climax with Left Behind, arriving via the totally unhinged minds of Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins between 1995 and 2007. In addition to the regular series, the dynamic duo authored 40 young adult books with very chill, kid-friendly names like Horsemen of Terror and The Rise of False Messiahs.

There was also a corresponding PC real-time strategy game, Left Behind: Eternal Forces, which was so controversial due to the need to either convert or kill non-believers that it was pulled from US Department of Defence care bundles that were being sent to soldiers who were actually killing people in Iraq (the developer also threatened to sue websites for giving the game shitty reviews).

You can still download the game for free here, thank god. Over to you, Waypoint.

Then there was the three-part film series released between 2000 and 2005, featuring former Growing Pains child star Kirk Cameron and Gordon Currie (who was a college roommate with Brad Pitt) as UN Secretary-General-turned-Antichrist Nicolae Carpathia.

I once screened the original straight-to-DVD film for my incredibly nice uncle and watched him become visibly incensed as he quickly realized what was actually going on with the plot of the movie. For the first half-hour or so, it appears to just be a shitty but innocuous thriller about the attempted invasion of Israel and a bunch of people randomly disappearing, but is actually a brutally reductive gospel tract that positioned a ragtag crew of post-Rapture believers who dubbed themselves the "Tribulation Force" against the literal Antichrist who, of course, was the former head of the UN.

In effect, Left Behind was the series that introduced an entire generation of younger believers to the Rapture. We ate that shit up, treating it like the Talmud to our Torah.

Frykholm says in an interview with VICE that many readers she's interviewed over the years described a highly "absorbed reading" of Left Behind that resulted in a very blurred line between fact and fiction, with people effectively expecting the events being recounted in the novel to soon appear on television.

That's a pretty terrifying thing given the highly didactic nature of the franchise.

For while the Rapture has always served an important role in Christianity whenever believers feel they're a threatened outside group—increased reproductive rights, more immigrants, Satanists threatening to erect a statue of Baphomet the Sabbatic Goat next to the Ten Commandments on Oklahoma State Capitol grounds—Left Behind represented a uniquely militant interpretation.

"What happened in the Left Behind series is you suddenly have this group of alternative militia rising to fight the Antichrist," Frykholm says. "That was really telling about the view that white evangelical Christians about their place in the culture: that it was worth fighting for."

That had real-world impacts. When I was 17, I watched a doc on CNN featuring a group of anti-abortion protesters from the now-defunct Texas-based Honor Academy.

This kind of culture war greatly appealed to my sensibilities that, until then, had only found an outlet by posting homophobic and drug addict-shaming memes on my Nexopia page, which happened to be named after a song by my favourite Christian rock band (the lead singer of which serves in the US Reserves).

Within days, I'd filled out an application and was on the phone with a recruiter at Teen Mania Ministries, the actual name of the organization that ran the program. We ended each phone session with a lengthy prayer. There were rumours of military-style endurance runs, literal marriage ceremonies with Jesus and even more protests against reproductive rights. I wanted it all. The end was coming, Christ was to return and I wanted to be seen fighting the good fight.

I didn't end signing up, only realizing after a bit of cursory research that the institution was probably a cult. Thank fuck.

But that didn't stop me from spending the next half-decade of my life immersed in ghoulish evangelism of some sort or another. The visceral fear of the Rapture faded over that span.

But the certainty that Jesus would return did not, spurring me to keep "recommitting my life," seeking atonement for sins and working in very gross ways to convert friends. The entire quest was founded upon and hinged on my past relationship with Left Behind, just as previous generations had been shaped by Thief in the Night and The Late Great Planet Earth and generations before that had been defined by Billy Graham's Crusades. My fear of the Rapture only really died when I decided the all of Christianity was probably horseshit.

Both Sutton and Frykholm suggest the Rapture's climax may have already come, with the latter sensing a "real decline in the power of that narrative" and Sutton adding the last great resurgence was post-9/11.

But that was before the election of Trump as president.

American evangelism grew largely in response to feelings of chaos and helplessness generated by eras such as the Great Depression, fascism under Hitler and Mussolini, and potential nuclear annihilation courtesy Khrushchev and Castro. As Hal Lindsey—the moustached Zionist who's currently 86 years old and runs a weekly program with the phone number 1-888-RAPTURE—put it back in 1970: "It's ironic that man never seems to learn from past mistakes, especially when they relate to major catastrophes."

Follow James Wilt on Twitter.

​Victim Blinded in 9/11 Hate Crime Talks about Life as a Muslim in Post-Trump America

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Rais Bhuiyan is the sole survivor of Mark Stroman's infamous 9/11-inspired hate crime attack. All photos via Daily VICE

In the weeks following September 11, 2001, a Texas resident fueled by hatred, grief and misunderstanding, went on a shooting spree that left two South Asian men dead and one critically injured. Mark Stroman proclaimed himself a true American patriot and called his murder spree a "retaliation" for 9/11. Targeting men of colour who he identified as 'Arabs,' Stroman's Islamophobia is echoed in the fear many Muslim Americans feel in a post-Trump United States.

I recently sat down with Rais Bhuiyan, Stroman's only surviving victim to talk about why he not only forgave his shooter but fought for his life and how the tension following 9/11 has never gone away for some.

VICE: Take me back to that day. You know, obviously it's something most people don't face, but when you when you think back to those moments, can you try and describe what happened to you.

Rais Bhuiyan: It was September 21st 2001. Friday. Raining since morning and business was pretty slow. I was working in the gas station around 12:30pm, a customer wearing a bandanna, sunglasses, baseball cap, and holding a double-barrel shotgun burst in. And I was robbed in that gas station before so I thought it would be a robbery. I placed all the cash on the counter and I offered him—I said, "Sir, here's all the money, take it, but please do not shoot me." He wasn't looking at the money though, he was looking at me and I felt the cold air flow through my spine. Why he's not looking at the money? And then he mumbled a question: "Where are you from?" And I was confused, and as soon as I said excuse me, he pulled the trigger from four to five feet away at point-blank range.

I felt it first, like a million bees stinging and then I heard the sound like a big explosion. I looked under the floor and saw blood was pouring like an open faucet from the right side of my head and I placed my hand as if I had to keep my brain from spilling out. I remember myself screaming "Mom" , we all are capable of practicing the same human qualities. It's just a matter of how we see things. I'm not a superhuman over here. I'm just a normal human being.

Follow Amil on Twitter.

Athens Welcomed Obama with Molotov Bombs and Tear Gas

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A version of this article originally appeared on VICE Greece.

On the morning of November 15, 2016, Barack Obama arrived in Athens for his final foreign trip as president of the United States. The last time a US president visited Greece was in 1999; in the wake of the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, Bill Clinton was greeted in Athens with riots and banners "denouncing him as a 'fascist murderer.'"

To avoid a similar scene, the Greek government banned any anti-American demonstrations for the week and installed 4,000 policemen in the center of Athens, while the American government flew more than 500 CIA agents, too. Yet, by Tuesday afternoon, about 6,000 people had gathered in downtown Athens to protest Trump's election, the war in Syria, the Greek national debt, and America's existence in general.

The demo was made up of several leftist, anti-fascist, and anarchist organizations whose plan was to march from the city center to the American embassy. As expected, they didn't get far—a few minutes into the march, two police vans blocked the road, the demonstrators tried to walk over them, and the police retaliated with stun grenades and tear gas. The clashes went on until about 3 AM, while by Wednesday morning the police had reported six arrests.

No riots were reported in Thessaloniki, but people still burned American flags.

Undocumented College Students Are Preparing to Have Their Lives Wrecked by Trump

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Photo By Tom Williams/Roll Call via Getty Images

Since 2012, President Obama's Deferred Action for Child Arrivals has allowed 844,000 young undocumented immigrants to remain in the United States to work and attend school without fear of deportation. The executive order also made it easier for undocumented immigrants to attend college, since their deferred status qualified them for in-state tuition rates and made it easier to identify themselves on application forms.

Those students' futures are now in jeopardy, as Donald Trump has promised to overturn Obama's executive orders on immigration, including DACA, within his first 100 days as president.

"This makes education for undocumented students less of a possibility," Cairo Mendes, an organizer with Student Immigrant Movement (SIM) in Boston, told me.

Mendes is himself an undocumented student at the University of Massachusetts Boston. When he was nine, he and his family came to the United States from Brazil on a tourist visa when and simply never left. Growing up, Mendes knew he was undocumented, but he thrived in school anyway, earning straight As throughout middle school and early high school. But when he realized how his status could affect his future in the United States, he became depressed about the options available to him, and his grades started to slump.

Before DACA, the opportunities for young undocumented immigrants were bleak. Most ended up in low-skill jobs like service and construction, without benefits or worker protections, according to Pew Hispanic. Those who wanted to enroll in college had to apply as international students, paying much higher rates than their peers, even if they lived in state.

President Obama passed DACA in 2012, which offered deportation relief to a subset of young undocumented immigrants. DACA came with a few caveats: Recipients had to have come to the US before they turned 16, be enrolled in school or a job training program, have no felony convictions, and be under the age of 31 as of June 15, 2012. Those who qualified could get a social security card and work authorization, as well as the opportunity to enroll in college at in-state tuition rates.

The policy had lasting effects, according to a national study from 2015. Of the undocumented immigrants surveyed, 65 percent were enrolled in school, and 92 percent said they were pursuing educational opportunities they couldn't before DACA. Sixty nine percent also said they'd found better paying jobs with better working conditions.

Before DACA, Mendes couldn't even imagine going to college. He'd heard rumors that undocumented students weren't allowed to enroll, and so when he graduated high school in 2010 with a low GPA, he figured there was no point in trying.

Then he heard about the Student Immigrant Movement, a group that's fought for ten years to stop the deportation of young people. The group gave him the courage to come out as undocumented to his peers, and in 2012, he qualified for DACA status. He enrolled in school full-time.

Mendes is now in his junior year, and although he can't vote, he obsessed over the presidential election. When he saw that Donald Trump had been announced the president-elect, his heart sank.

"I was numb, angry, frustrated," he told me. "I thought about my mom, my family, about the youth I work with. I couldn't go back to sleep."

In the days after the election, Mendes noticed a difference in the mood on campus. "As a campus where the student body is comprised of mostly people of color, the atmosphere was heavy, as if people were grieving," he told me.

Across the river in Cambridge, Jin Park, an undocumented junior at Harvard, shares similar concerns. While his tuition is covered thanks to Harvard's "demonstrated need" policy, the election still raised real concerns about his future.

"Everything is different," said Park, whose family emigrated from South Korea when he was seven. "It has to be different now, because the president ran on a campaign to exclude me and the 11 million undocumented people in this country."

Park was a member of Harvard's Count on a Dream, a student group that advocates for immigrants on campus and works with the school's admissions office closely. His sophomore year, Park created a list of scholarships that undocumented immigrants could apply for. (Deferred status doesn't qualify students for federal financial aid, but there are still a variety of private scholarships they can apply for.)

When President Obama issued DACA, Park said he "felt like I had a place in this country." The policy opened doors for both work and education, and Park said he didn't "have to be afraid of applying for a job or something that could improve my life or my family's life."

DACA hasn't been perfect. Recipients aren't eligible for federal student loans, so paying for school can be next to impossible, and three states—Alabama, South Carolina, and Georgia—still deny undocumented immigrants access to their public universities. As one undocumented student put it to VICE earlier this year, deferred action is "nothing more than bread crumbs to keep us from starving."

But without DACA, thousands of undocumented college students will be thrown back into the same challenges they faced before 2012—from paying exorbitant rates for tuition, losing scholarships and financial aid, and sacrificing job opportunities after graduating, since they will no longer have legal work authorization.

Stephen Legomsky, former chief counsel at US Citizenship and Immigration Services, told USA Today that Trump could easily overturn DACA. There's also the fear that the Trump administration could use the information obtained from DACA applications to detain or deport young immigrants, a measure currently against DACA policy. As of now, Trump hasn't proposed any specific laws regarding immigration enforcement other than his plans to increase deportations, but it does leave the population more vulnerable than before.

At this point, it's hard to predict Trump's actual plans on immigration. The weekend after the election, Trump reaffirmed his intention to deport upwards of 3 million undocumented immigrants. But on Saturday, unnamed sources who claimed to be close to the president-elect told Univision that Trump will reveal a plan to legalize millions of undocumented immigrants—perhaps an indication that 11 million people is simply to large a group to just round up and ship off.

Whatever his plans are, many undocumented students are concerned. Mendes told me some undocumented youth don't know whether they should bother applying for college anymore, falling into the same sense of hopelessness he held before he was granted DACA status.

But Park told me that although the outlook is "bleak and sad," he won't let that determine his future.

"I'm not going to stop going to school because of Trump," said Park. "The American dream is something I can work for. I grew up here. I am an American. Every undocumented immigrant says that it's not about papers. It's about something more."

Follow Alejandro Ramirez on Twitter.

Bob the Drag Queen Tells Us How to Fight Trump

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Bob in a still from "Shady Politics: Vote Bob the Drag Queen"

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Where were you on Election Night 2016? Bob the Drag Queen was at Manhattan's Ace Hotel with fellow queen Tora Hymen, sitting next to a queen dressed as Hillary Clinton; directly behind him sat a queen dressed like Donald Trump. "When I walked in the door, Hillary was up by two or three electoral votes," he recalled while milling about his Washington Heights apartment.

"Then the projections came in, and the mood of the room changed," recounted the 30-year-old professional drag queen, comedian, and winner of the eighth season of RuPaul's Drag Race. "I looked behind me, and the Trump queen got the fuck out of there. People were drinking and looking at someone to be angry at, and you couldn't find him anywhere. I was sitting there looking at the queen dressed at Hillary, and I thought, What the hell. This was supposed to be a fun night—a victory for all people. Instead, it ended up being this weird, sad evening."

Throughout history, drag has always functioned as activism, from the Compton's Cafeteria riots to Stonewall to the struggle for marriage equality in Ireland today. With the election of Trump last week, that activism becomes more vital than ever as our incoming administration threatens to curtail the rights of the LGBTQ community writ large. Camp humor is often a subtly subversive political tool; as a drag icon to millions, Bob the Drag Queen would know. We sat down to discuss identity politics and the future of his art form in our new America.

VICE: The more I think about Trump's promise to build a wall along Mexico's border, the more I think it's mostly because he just loves to build things.
Bob the Drag Queen: "I have property here, I have property there." That's his thing. "I have property in Tampa. I have property in Chicago."

What's stopping him from building a hotel along this theoretical wall?
Exactly. He's like, "I own a small part of Chicago. I own a large chunk of New York City. I own a small chunk of Miami." It's crazy that the middle class voted Trump in, because his plan is so bad for the middle class. During the debates, they asked him what his plan for the middle class was, and he replied, "We're gonna build that wall! Mexicans, Muslims, rapists, extremist Islam, Crooked Hillary, drain the swamp! Bill Clinton raped four women, and they're all here today!"

Before this election, it was mostly non-whites who understood just how dangerous white people are for this country. It seems like, after the election, white people at-large are finally apprehending that concept.
White people have a history of being very dangerous for people who aren't white, and it's really rearing its ugly head now. Finally, white people are seeing how dangerous they can be. Even though it's 2016 and we've had our first black president, white people are the overwhelming majority, and they have practically all the power. All of it. White people rule everything. So what is any minority supposed to do to defend against that? There's nothing we can do.

There's a saying: Sometimes the balance is so unequal for so long that equality starts to feel like oppression. You've had your share of the cake for so long, and now that everyone's getting cut the same share of the cake, all you can say to yourself is, "I used to have a much bigger slice of cake than this. What happened to all of my cake?"

Some have said that this election represents the last grasp of white supremacy. Do you think that's true?
White supremacy comes around every 40 or 50 years, but it never looks like white supremacy—a new group arrives, they give it a new name, and then in the history books that name will end up just as bad as the Ku Klux Klan.

There's been a few Trump supporters out there claiming that he's "LGBTQ-friendly." Obviously, that's bullshit.
All of his actions are anti-LGBTQ. I don't think he has any problems with LGBTQ people, but he's not an ally. Just because you don't want us to die doesn't mean you support us. You don't just get to say you're an ally to the queer community. You have to do something.

The term "ally" has become complicated, because it gives people from majority groups an excuse to not do more than simply state that they're allies. What could somebody who wants to consider themselves an "ally" do for the LGTBQ community post-Trump?
It starts with research. Research is always the first thing you could do. If you want to find out what's happening and how things are for marginalized people, then you can talk to marginalized people. Wouldn't it be interesting to ask how a Muslim feels in our country right now? That's a good place to start. I had a lot of Mexican, trans, and queer friends who were crying on election night because they were that scared of our commander-in-chief. That's not OK. This is a real thing. People are genuinely worried, nervous, and afraid, and they're taking to the streets because they're so angry.

Watch "Meet London's Female Drag Queens":

How did you feel?
At first, I felt disappointed in our democracy. But I don't think anyone who voted for Trump is a bad person. I think they responded out of fear because of the way the right was making it seem like they had to be afraid. made them afraid of everyone except him.

Where do you see comedy and drag going in America's Trump era? What changes? What doesn't?
I think that hardship always breeds art, including comedy. , and I can make jokes about sad things, too. My comedy is also social commentary—I'm not above a dick joke, either—but if anything, this fuels my art. I'm not worried about art being hurt. I'm worried about actual policy.

There have been reports of trans youth committing suicide after the election, as well as a surge in calls to hotlines specifically set up to provide support for trans youth.
Trans people, unfortunately, have always been the last of the litter to get whatever they're getting. The conservatives can't, for some reason, acknowledge trans lives as genuine and real lives. "Goddamnit, my money shouldn't go to puttin' some fuckin' titties on a man who wants to be some fuckin' woman!" But it's actually a mental health issue. It's crazy that we don't mind fixing a cleft lip, but if someone's born in a way that physically makes it hard for them to live their lives...

What would you tell trans youth about the future?
There are allies—real allies—who will always fight for you. But fight for yourself. Don't sit around waiting for someone to make your life better—make your own life better. This is a chance for you to stand up for yourself. As the kids say, "Stay woke." Not to sound too hip, but—stay woke, motherfuckers!

Follow Larry Fitzmaurice on Twitter.


The VICE Guide to Right Now: The Cop Who Killed Philando Castile Has Been Charged with Manslaughter

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A couple hold a sign protesting the killing of Philando Castile outside the Governor's Mansion in St. Paul, Minnesota. Photo by Stephen Maturen/Getty Images

The Minnesota cop who fatally shot Philando Castile after pulling him over this summer will be charged with second-degree manslaughter, the New York Times reports.

Ramsey County District Attorney John J. Choi made the announcement Wednesday morning, and said the officer, Jeronimo Yanez, will also be charged with two felony counts of dangerous discharge of a weapon. Castile's then girlfriend, Diamond Reynolds, and her child were in the car during the July shooting in Falcon Heights, Minnesota.

"It is my conclusion that the use of deadly force by Officer Yanez was not justified and that sufficient facts exist to prove this to be true," Choi said.

Castile's death was one of the most resonant of America's many officer-involved shootings this past year, in no small part because Reynolds filmed the aftermath from inside the car and livestreamed it on Facebook. In the graphic video, Reynolds calmly explains the situation as Castile lies next to her, bleeding.

" was in his wallet, but he had a pistol on him because he's licensed to carry," she tells the camera. "The officer said, 'Don't move.' As he was putting his hands back up, the officer shot him in the arm four or five times."

According to Yanez's attorney, Thomas Kelly, the officer fired his weapon because Castile was not being compliant and had a gun in his vehicle.

"The shooting had nothing to do with race and everything to do with the presence of that gun," Kelly told the Times in July.

But Choi, the prosector, pointed out Wednesday that there was no bullet in the chamber of Castile's gun, and said the victim disclosed the fact that he was armed "calmly and in a nonthreatening manner."

Watch: Eric Garner's Daughter Opens Up About Her Activism and Vision for Police Reform

New Yorkers Have a Duty: Be Rude to the Trumps

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Last week, Donald Trump was elected president by the United States. But he wasn't elected by New Yorkers. In his hometown, Trump has for years been regarded as a clown—a tabloid regular, a Howard Stern sideshow, a reality TV star without the class of a Real Housewife. Fewer than one in five New York City voters cast ballots for Trump; his support here was mostly limited to Staten Island, Hasidic Williamsburg, and other rare bastions of conservatism in the nation's liberal cultural capital.

Trump was born and raised in New York, which seems strange, since he's opposed to so much of what the city represents—the melding of immigrant cultures, the grime and struggle that has produced so much great art, the tolerance of difference. "Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to be free," says the Statue of Liberty. "Build that wall," says Donald Trump.

Yet even after he assumes office on January 20, Trump reportedly still wants to spend much of his time in the city, in his massive apartment in Trump Tower, even though he's widely despised in Manhattan, and even though his presence there would lead to incredibly inconvenient street closures. No one can stop him from living in his home—it's a free country, especially if you're rich—but his neighbors can, and should, do everything in their power to make him and his family (who enable and support his noxious views) feel uncomfortable here.

New Yorkers, it's time to do what we do best. It's time to start a nonstop protest campaign of rudeness against Trump and his brood.

The best part of New York is that it's a city that speaks its mind. People here will tell you if you are in their way, if you are doing something wrong, if you are being an asshole. If we respect Trump out of patriotism or out of reverence for the office he's about to hold or out of politeness, we are letting down the values that make New York great. Trump is an asshole, and so are his kids. Let's tell them that.

This project has already begun. Eric Trump was harassed by teens on the street last week. Three buildings bearing the Trump name have had those five noxious letters removed because residents complained. New Yorkers have built a wall of Post-It notes inside a subway station expressing shock and anxiety and rage at the election results. But we can do more.

If you see a Trump, say something. Specifically, say, "Fuck you!" Say, "Get out of this city!" Tell Donald he is a disgrace. Tell Melania that she will go down in history as the enabler of a bully, a liar, and a coward. Tell Donald Jr. he is a racist and an idiot. Tell Ivanka and her husband, Jared Kushner, that they are enablers of anti-Semitism. Also tell Ivanka that her attempts to turn presidential interviews into chances to hawk her gaudy, overpriced jewelry are tacky and pathetic. Tell Tiffany—who is less involved with her father's activities than her half-siblings—that if she doesn't speak out against her family, she is complicit in the hateful rhetoric they and their supporters spread.

The president is not a king, the Trumps are not royalty; you are not under any obligation to put up with their bullshit. If you own a deli or a restaurant, refuse to serve any Trumps. If you wait on the Trumps, you have to give them their food or you'll likely be fired, but you can give them back their tip. If you see Jared and Ivanka at a gala, or Eric in a corporate box at a Giants game, don't acknowledge them. If people applaud the Trumps, like those patrons at Club 21, counter that applause with boos. If you make them coffee, give them cream when they ask for soy, and vice versa. Don't stop your dog from barking at them. Don't take their money. Don't sit down at a dive bar with Ivanka. Don't commit any crimes—refrain from any actual violence like the disgraceful subway attack on the man with the Make America Great Again hat—but the First Amendment, people, we can make it clear to the Trumps that they don't own the city.

Mayor Bill de Blasio, to his credit, has promised to resist Trump's administration in any way possible, including deleting the database of personal information of the 850,000 New Yorkers with IDNYC cards, many of whom are undocumented immigrants. He also joined other Democratic mayors around the country who have vowed to keep their towns "sanctuary cities" for undocumented immigrants. Other politicians can similarly use their platforms to denounce Trump; City Council Speaker Melissa Mark-Viverito has been denouncing him consistently and loudly.

Regular citizens, sadly, don't have the power to do too much. We've voted against Trump, we've written the Facebook posts expressing grief or rage, we've donated to Planned Parenthood and the ACLU, we've taken to the streets in protest. Artists are making anti-Trump art, students are walking out of classes to chant slogans, everyone is reminding themselves and others that Trump and his incoming administration are not normal. None of that is going to stop Trump from doing what he's going to do.

Being a jerk to Trump or his kids isn't going to stop them either. But it might make them feel bad for just a split second, it might wear on them and, in time, cause them to question what they're doing. It will, if nothing else, remind them over and over that the city they call home does not share their values, and remains angry at what they have done to this country. If you live in New York, you have a far better chance than the average person to see the Trumps around. If you do, don't waste your chance to tell them how you feel.

Follow Harry Cheadle on Twitter.

We Asked Sex Workers About Their First Day on the Job

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A few weeks ago I was asked to perform on a show called Bedpost. Bedpost bills itself as an erotic cabaret. I was one of two storytellers on the lineup alongside a sketch troupe, a few burlesque dancers, and game show. The prize for winning the game show was a $200 couple's vibrator. I performed my set that night to general indifference, which at first I attributed to the crowd, but in retrospect the failure was definitely mine. The audience ate up the rest of the event. They were particularly fond of the evening's second storyteller, a former dominatrix who explained how she first got into the business.

Later, after the couple that won the vibrator bought a round of shots for the bar, I struck up a conversation with the former dom and she politely answered my questions. We talked about the stigma surrounding sex work. We talked about money. We chatted about a lot of different things, but what I kept on coming back to was the first day on the job. The first day I started my new job I had an anxiety attack after someone showed me how to use the copy machine. I can only imagine what would have happened if I had been responsible for another person's genitals.

In my life I've known a handful of people who have been involved in the sex industry in one way or another. It's not something that I had ever discussed at length with any of them. I figured if they wanted to talk about it, they'd tell me, and otherwise it was none of my business. The openness of the dom and our subsequent conversation , however, piqued my curiosity. I decided to reach out to a handful of friends and acquaintances and ask if they wanted to be interviewed about their first day. The conversations below are by no means a comprehensive account of lives of sex workers, but they are an anecdotal look into what it's like to get started on those jobs.

Renata Val*, Foot Dominatrix

Two years ago I moved to Toronto after living and working in Europe. My family and boyfriend still lived there. I was lonely and depressed. I had moved into an incredibly dark, incredibly tiny, room in a grimy house with four dudes. For my first three months in the city, I stayed in that cave, mostly in the fetal position. When my savings dried up, I knew that I would need to find work. In a fit of boredom and curiosity I ended up on Craigslist and came to the conclusion that the best way to make money was via foot fetishists.

I was extremely nervous before my first Craigslist rendezvous but I tried my best to make my feet look presentable. I don't think I have particularly nice looking feet. They're not bad. My toes are a little crooked. On the day in question I had blisters from walking too far in 6-inch stilettos. I painted sparkly purple nail polish over old chipped nail polish, and hoped for the best.

I met Miles, a surprisingly handsome silver fox, at the local Tim Hortons and took it from there. After chatting over coffee we got in his giant SUV and drove to, of all places, the underground car park of Dufferin Mall. It was the only place I could think of that was private and dark enough for some daytime raunchy foot play.

I kept an eye out as Miles massaged, licked, and sucked my bare feet. As this happened I wondered how we would react if we got caught. I wondered if Miles would get hard. Did he have sores in his mouth I should be worried about? Should I pretend to really love this?

On the way out of the Dufferin Mall car park Miles got his giant SUV got stuck under the yellow concrete parking bumper. He hadn't looked at the clearance properly and it got really jammed. I don't know why I did this, but I decided that I needed things to look normal, so I helped him push. The screech of concrete on metal was not quiet and I think we did a lot of damage to the car. After he dropped me back at the Tims and gave me $60. We didn't meet up again.

I still see a few guys with foot fetishes, but since that time I've gotten better at the whole thing. Shortly after meeting Miles, I started selling my used socks to a lanky grad student, who is currently my house bitch. He does things for me: chores, laundry, groceries, sometimes I make him write essays. In exchange he gets to suck on my toes. It's great.


Photo by Richard Avery

Sovereign Syre, Adult Performer

When I left grad school, I wanted to write a novel. The plan had been to travel France and explore Brittany, which is the setting for the action in my book. I suppose I could have gone to work for Starbucks if it was just about money. It was more than that though. I'd always been a good girl and achieved a lot of "traditional" success very young. I danced as a ballerina. I graduated high school early. Despite all that I was miserable. I was itching to do something different.

There was a website called God's Girls. It was an Alt Porn site, very tame, just nudes, and they paid. I thought I could do something adventurous, being naked on the Internet, and make some cash to go travelling. From there I started working in erotic photography, but I didn't really think of it as porn. There was always some artistry to what we were doing. And it wasn't video.

At a charity event I was working I met a handful of adult performers who I started following on Twitter. I became fascinated by their lifestyle; the freedom they felt being sexual.

Through those connections and social media, I was scouted by a director named Nica Noelle. She offered to write a movie around me and it was going to pay me a lot more money than modeling. You have to understand I got into the industry in 2011 when there was something of a disruptive element going on, a group of people making queer, alt and feminist porn. It felt like activism.

From the minute I arrived on set I was full of nerves. There are very few times in life when you know you are crossing a line you can never come back from. Porn is one of those lines, for the rest of your life, this thing is going to be with you. It's hard for me to remember much of that day because I was so much in my head. When it was time to shoot the actual sex scene though, I just went with it, let myself get lost in the other girl. When it was over I felt relieved, and also very free.

I remained a girl/girl only performer for the next four years. I started filming with men in the last two years, but I think I've been in less than ten scenes with them. I don't really shoot very much anymore, I've transitioned into stand-up and podcasting

There are as many reasons that people get into porn as there are people, but porn has actually been one of the best things that happened to me. I already understand that society has written me off, and that's so fucking freeing. Sex workers are people, but just because we're deviating from the standard that society sets for good behaviour, it doesn't mean that we're bad. We're willing to risk being socially acceptable to get some happiness for ourselves, whether that means getting money or having sexual experiences we don't think we can get elsewhere. I think the only person I know who is really worried about it is my brother. He refers to my porn career as why you ruined the internet for me forever. My dad said that only thing I could do to make him ashamed is be afraid.

Pamela Isley*, Erotic Masseuse

A friend of mine manages the spa where I currently work. She'd gone back to the industry after a long hiatus and said she wasn't sure why she didn't go back sooner. Hearing her speak about it piqued my interest. The place I'd been working was boring and inflexible and the idea of working less hours and making more money was exciting. I thought about it a lot. The turning point was realizing I could keep mulling it over forever, but I wouldn't really know if I could do the work until I tried.

My friend and I set up a time to chat so I could ask her questions and express my concerns. We talked it out for an hour, and afterward she told me that had been my interview. If I wanted to come in to try a shift the following week, I was more than welcome to.

I was nervous as fuck on my first day. I had no idea what to expect of my training. Turns out, there wasn't too much of it. A general run-down on the structure of a 30 minute session, a few videos of body slides and massages, then bam, the first client of the day walks in and I'm one of the three girls that has to go out and meet him. The guys was pretty typical of what you'd expect at a place like this—middle-aged, heavy set, businessman. Y'know, just popping by for a 45 minute erotic massage on his lunch break.

Getting naked in front of a stranger was no problem. I'd done it plenty of times before as an art model. I'm as comfortable with sex as I am with nudity, and it didn't take me long to start enjoying the performative nature of the whole thing. The body slide was a trip. I oiled up his back and slid myself all over. It was nearly a feat of athleticism. At first I was worried about having to get someone off using only a handjob, but if you'll excuse the brag, I managed to get the guy off in under a minute. I managed less than a minute with all of my clients that day. I think I might have some skills.

I knew pretty quickly this was a gig I could do, especially when I was handed $110, my cut of the payment for a 45 minute session. I walked out of there after my first day with a wad of cash and a total buzz over what I'd just done. I felt empowered by my sexual prowess. I felt like a rebel walking around with a dirty secret. I knew the novelty would probably wear off. But I knew I'd be back.


Photo by Nicole Bazuin

Andrea Werhun, Former Agency Escort

The first time I went to a strip club, I walked in with a series of assumptions. I figured the girls were dead-eyed bimbos and that taking their clothes off in front of a crowd of strangers was the last thing they wanted to do on a Monday night.In the club I was surprised when the naked women I witnessed weren't weak or downtrodden. They were smiling and strong, their movement full of grace and magic. I felt a strong pull to be in their ranks.

For a while after that I tinkered over three-minute anthems and practiced walking in my newly purchased stripper heels. I thought that I wanted to perform and be in front of a crowd, but eventually came to the conclusion escorting was much more my speed. I'd been told it was private, safer, and better paying than stripping. I was in university and living on my own, so the idea of making my rent in a couple hours work was a dream. And that it could be my own little secret was exciting, too.

Once I'd made the choice to become an escort, getting the job was easy. I called an agency (based on their hourly rates and the quality of their website), and inquired about employment. We set up an interview that wasn't much of an interview. It was basically: you've got the job, here's how it works. When do you want to start?

I had brought a notebook of questions regarding safety, condom use, and the prevalence of sexually transmitted disease. After they quelled my fears, I picked my escort name: Maryanne. The first night on the job I trembled fearfully in the front seat of an SUV, flying down the 401 to a Comfort Inn just outside of Toronto. My boss assured me that the clients were more nervous than I was, but I wasn't so sure.

When the motel room door opened, a small man with a lazy eye appeared before me. Porn on mute played on the TV. A cloud of cigarette smoke hung in the air. He took my coat and I collected the money. We started talking and soon moved to the bed. "Oh," I thought, "we just pleasure each other for a while." When the deed was done, he said he had to meet a friend at the bar and asked that when I left, to close the door behind me. Alone in his room, I laughed and danced and looked at my naked whore flesh in the mirror and thought, "This is the easiest money I've ever made."

For the two years I did it, sex work was an ideal job. I like conversation, meeting new people, and bearing witness to a person's naked body, their o-faces, and their vulnerability.
The shame and stigma of being a sex worker often outweighs the long-term benefits of flexible, well-paying work. It is a horrible burden to hide oneself for fear of judgement. Hiding hurts, but so does telling the truth. The choice to become a sex worker should not be made lightly—it is not a job to do "just for the money." The sex industry eats desperate people alive. If you're gonna do it, have a plan and exit strategy. Take care of your mental health. Get tested regularly. Talk to someone you trust about your experiences. Be honest with yourself. Watch the money pile up and enjoy the ride.

Andrea and collaborator Nicole Bazuin have documented her experiences as an escort in the upcoming book Modern Whore.

*Names have been changed to protect anonymity.

Follow Graham Isador on Twitter.

How to Resist President Donald Trump

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If you're like me, you've spent an embarrassing amount of time over the last week or so scrolling through Facebook as your friends and acquaintances go crazy about Donald Trump becoming the next president of the United States. You've watched donations get made to the ACLU, Planned Parenthood, and other groups that promise to oppose Trump on issues ranging from civil liberties to reproductive rights.

You've probably seen that Change.org petition about how, thanks to the magic of faithless electors, Hillary Clinton can still become president. (She can't.) And you've definitely seen or heard about the massive protests in cities across America, where people vented their anger or sadness or fear over the fact that an alleged serial sexual assailant who spouts the rhetoric of a racist demagogue is about to become the most powerful man on Earth.

But beyond venting, how can Americans effectively resist Trump? How can normal people make it difficult for this asshole to build a wall, ban Muslims, deport Latinos, and torture suspected terrorists? I reached out to a cross-section of political activists and experts for some wisdom, and got a range of responses about how they plan to fight for the next four years, and how you can, too. Here's what they said.

Todd Gitlin
former president of Students for a Democratic Society, professor

Todd Gitlin speaks at Ryerson re Atkinson lecture. Photo by Keith Beaty/Toronto Star via Getty Images

Street protests may help thousands of people vent their disgust, but I don't see that they have any long-run value. Street protests that smash windows only pump up the law-and-order dimension of Trump's vicious campaign and detract from serious organizing efforts. The left got out-organized, and it will continue to get out-organized as long as it disdains the hard, frustrating, compromised work of local politics. Now, 33 states, three-quarters of all of them, are controlled by the Republican Party. They control redistricting. They roll back voting rights. They crush efforts to show that governments can improve life.

That said, starting yesterday, there need to be sustained campaigns of opposition to Trump appointments through the government judgeships, of course, but also nominations for EPA, Interior, and other policy-making positions bearing on climate change and environmental degradation and injustice. There need to be progressive caucuses in Democratic parties, committed wherever possible to a common platform along the lines of Bernie Sanders's, looking toward the midterm elections of 2018.

Rick Wilson
Republican consultant, Never Trump activist

Regardless of what the Milos and the alt-right boys all think, I am not going to just commit suicide just to please them. They haven't really accomplished what they think they accomplished.

A lot of the Republicans who stayed in the weeds and privately said I hate him, he's disgusting, he's an asshole, he's not a conservative, blah blah blah—a lot of those people are playing nice and playing paddy-cake with him and pretending it's all going to be kumbaya. And those folks, if they're going to continue to pretend to be conservatives, they're going to have an obligation to resist Trump policies. Unless conservatism has been redefined as Donald Trump's will.

I think the riots and all the protest marches—God bless the First Amendment, but if you're playing that out as a political strategy to undermine Trump, all you're doing is feeding the monster. He loves that stuff. That's fabulous for him.

I think what you do—and everybody kinda knows this—I think there's going to be a lot of litigation from the left and right of Trump on a lot of major issues coming up. I think that will be an important venue for how people resist. Although Trump is promising to undo Obama's executive orders, he's also promised to do things via executive orders. If we hate it for one guy, we should hate it for the other. If Congress is supposed to exercise legislative power instead of the executive exercising that same power, then Congress has to step up and do it.

Kshama Sawant
Seattle city councilwoman, Socialist

Kshama Sawant (left), Seattle city council member and socialist, addresses protesters on November 9, 2016, in Seattle, Washington. Photo by Karen Ducey/Getty Images

It is absolutely a historic duty to resist Trump's agenda. But in order to resist, in order to actually be successful in taking society away from the direction that Trump and the right-wing agenda is, we have to recognize why we are here in the first place. We are here because of a complete inability and failure and betrayal of the Democratic Party Establishment. Even though they knew that at this moment there is a move for social change, that in order to win against Trump they had to run a candidate like Bernie Sanders, who's actually going to present an alternative to the corporate domination of politics, even though they knew all this, they ended up running the worst possible candidate for this moment. They are enveloped in this cocoon of hubris we are calling for mass demonstrations, peaceful demonstrations, in Washington, DC.

Bill McKibben
environmentalist, founder of 350.org

We're gonna have to come to terms with the fact that we're going to lose a lot of fights, especially in the first part of the Trump years. He's filling his cabinet with bad people who are going to do bad things. One of the things we have to do is make sure that we fight at every turn and that people understand, even if we're losing things, understand the stakes so they really have a good sense of what's going on. People need to understand that if he rejects the Paris Agreement , he's making an enormous wager that goes against what all the scientists are telling him to do. Those are things that are important for people to understand—kind of for historic reasons and also because it'll make it easier to organize going forward.

This was a horribly hard fight before last Tuesday, without any guarantees we were going to win it. And that fight got harder. Climate change, in the best of circumstances, we're going to be fighting it for the next many decades.

When we can make strong moral stands, we do out in places like Standing Rock . Those are good in and of themselves. If there's any chance, it'll lie in reframing the debate in those ways, over next few years. Standing Rock is a very spiritual place, that encampment out there, with a lot of people in prayer. I think both activism and prayer are well warranted in this case.

Fahd Ahmed
executive director, Desis Rising Up and Moving (DRUM)

Photo courtesy of DRUMNYC

DRUM is a membership-based organization of South Asian immigrants, workers, and youth—a majority of whom are Muslim, a majority of whom are undocumented and a majority of whom are women. So our members are feeling triply targeted in this period and the days to come. So for us, our primary question is: Can we rely on the existing systems to protect us—the police, the courts? And historically the answer to that—even currently—has been no. It's the same police that surveilled us, the same courts that unjustly prosecute our people. And that's even more so in the coming period.

We do need allies to start thinking about: What are ways we can interfere in and disrupt those systems? So, for example, if there are registrations for people of Muslim backgrounds, are people doing false registrations to jam up the systems? Are people blockading the offices where those registrations happen to prevent them from happening? Are we interfering with the deportation process, whether it's in the community, preventing eyes from coming into the neighborhood, or around detention centers? Those are things we need to start thinking ahead to, and we're going to have to think much further outside the box than we've been used to thinking.

Gary Segura
co-founder Latino Decisions, incoming dean of UCLA's Luskin School

Waiting for demographics is not a good decision. Demographics change, but even then, it takes work to register young Latinos and get them in the voting booth. It takes work to keep African American turnout up. It takes work to keep Asian Americans in the coalition. And to be perfectly honest with you, white women in 2016 were AWOL when it came time to vote someone of progressive positions into office. But that's not unique to 2016—since 1952, white women have voted Democrat exactly twice. They didn't fail to show up in 2016; they always fail to show up. What makes 2016 special is that white women knew they had the opportunity to vote for a woman and this guy was maybe the most unambiguous misogynist ever to run for public office, and they voted for him anyway.

I think people need to talk to one another. Forty percent of whites voted against Donald Trump. Even in places like Michigan and Wisconsin and Pennsylvania—states that flipped—just under half of white people voted against him. They have cousins and brothers and sisters and parents who didn't vote with them. Those conversations need to be engaged immediately. Why this guy is not in your interest needs to be pointed out to them. Nobody adopts a position forever. If that were the case, we'd have won the other night because Obama won four years ago. Just like these guys went over to the dark side this time, I think they can be brought back over with the right persuasion, the right message, with having the error of their ways pointed out to them, albeit gently. Politics is a process of persuasion, and I don't think the process of persuasion ended on November 8.

Rachel B. Tiven
CEO of Lambda Legal, an LGBTQ rights group

I think the first and most important thing, is don't normalize this. This is not politics as usual. This is not, I'm disappointed my candidate lost and the other candidate won. This is, the Ku Klux Klan endorses the president of the United States. The winning candidate, at least by our system of electors—not by the popular vote—is someone who has stated his desire to deport people, harass them for their religious beliefs, who demeans anyone he sees as different or vulnerable. People should maintain their shock and their resistance.

I think it's incredibly important for people to understand that there are 81 federal district court seats currently unfilled because of obstruction of President Obama and refusal of the Senate to allow President Obama to do his job. Eighty-one federal district court seats—those judges are as important, if not more important, to the lives of ordinary people and development and enforcement of the Constitution, as the Supreme Court. There's a lot of focus on one open seat, but in fact there are more than 100 open seats on which the Senate is supposed to give its advice and its consent.

You gotta call your senators. You've gotta call your senators, and speak up about who's qualified and what you want. If you are represented by senators who can hold key votes that would block people who are committed to an ideology that opposes LGBT people and equality and that opposes an anti-misogynist agenda, and opposes the First Amendment and religious freedom in America—the institutions of our democracy are at risk if people give up.

Faiza Patel
co-director of Brennan's Liberty and National Security Program at NYU

AP Photo/Keystone, Martial Trezzini

Courts will obviously be a critical avenue for resisting measures that flout our basic commitment to equality and religious liberty. The efficacy of such challenges will become clearer once we learn more about the form that these measures will take. In the meantime, we are focused on making sure that everyone understands the reasons why proposals to ban immigration on the basis of their religion or create a registration system (even if done via a proxy of nationality) are unconstitutional and doubling down on our alliances with a range of allies, particularly in the inter-faith community.

Those of us who have been working on these issues need all the help we can get. Donations are always welcome, but it's also important for people to participate in community events that are taking place in many cities. Perhaps most important, make those who are being targeted feel welcome and, in a new take on "See something, say something," make sure you stand up and intervene if you see someone being harassed or bullied.

Arielle Newton
founder and EIC, BlackMillennials.com

I'm not commenting to media on this election. I'm only organizing. That's all we have left to do.

Follow Matt Taylor on Twitter.

Canada’s Opioid Crisis: It Didn’t Have to Be This Way

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That photograph of counterfeit green OxyContin pills containing toxic bootleg fentanyl is infamous now. Virtually every news outlet in Canada has used the image in a leading story on its front page or on screen sometime over the last two years. The opioid crisis doesn't qualify as news anymore, though. Dozens of Canadians dying from overdose each week is just the new normal.

It doesn't have to be this way.

On Friday, Health Canada and Ontario's Ministry of Health will co-host an Opioid Conference "for a national dialogue." The next day is a more exclusive "Opioid Summit," bringing together "individuals and organizations that have the authorities...to combat the opioid crisis." After more than two years of intense media coverage and a decade of expert calls for urgent action, it is encouraging to finally see multiple sectors and stakeholders involving themselves in a national conversation, isn't it?

Well, maybe not.

On its surface, gathering a variety of perspectives, disciplines, and expertise seems desirable, if not necessary and long overdue. But the word "stakeholder" means "a person with an interest in something," and that itself is part of the problem. A diverse assembly of interests and biases partially explains why, when large groups convene over an important public health priority, the goal quickly becomes achieving consensus rather than solving the problem.

At this conference, pain societies and regulatory colleges may debate which opioids—illicit or prescribed—cause more harm. Harm reduction advocates may criticize those advocating reduced opioid prescribing about unintended consequences for people who use drugs. Stakeholders will jockey for resources: abstinence-based recovery programs for their work, universities for education, and addiction doctors for greater access to medication therapy. Agencies who see this issue as a way to remain relevant will look for money and attention, too.



Meanwhile, the right and left will probably argue drug enforcement policy from value positions, and those in government will surely ponder how measures they implement could influence their approval ratings. Pharmaceutical companies and their shills could even be on hand, and, who knows? They may have skin in the game too. In this context, a quote sometimes attributed to Heath Ledger seems apropos, "I can't tell you the key to success, but I can tell you the key to failure is trying to please everybody." Heath Ledger died of an overdose involving opioids in 2008.

In an urgent public health situation like this one, the singular goal must be optimizing health outcomes for the greatest number of people as safely, effectively, and efficiently as possible. Consensus undermines this goal. It is no measure of success. Saving lives is.

But even if conferences like Friday's could somehow resist the penchant to appease interests and reflect every perspective in a plan, one should still be worried. Human nature is not in their favour.

In 1968, to understand why some 38 witnesses supposedly did not come to the aid of Kitty Genovese as she was stabbed to death in public in New York City four years earlier, John Darley and Bibb Latané of Columbia University conducted a study. Subjects were placed in an environment where they believed they were either alone or with four other bystanders.

They were then asked to interview another individual via intercom. During the experiment, the subjects were made to believe their interviewee was having an epileptic seizure. Of the participants working alone, 85% rushed to inform their instructor the interviewee needed help. Of those who believed there were others present working with them, only 31 percent sought to help. This phenomenon was termed "bystander apathy," explained by "diffusion of responsibility." When there are others around, people hope, feel, and assume that someone else is on the case.

Human nature in the form of bystander apathy may explain why the "individuals and organizations that have the authorities to combat the opioid crisis" have not already acted quickly and decisively. Diffusion of responsibility can cause exactly the kind of delays that have now given us the worst drug safety crisis in history. Ironically, having too many people and organizations to consider and rely on may be the explanation for why too little has been done.

This can't continue. More talks with more "stakeholders" are not the answer.

Evidence-based solutions to the opioid crisis are already at hand. Journalists who have covered this issue over the past two years can recite them by now as easily as they can the alphabet:

  • Increase the availability of the antidote, naloxone, to anyone who may witness an opioid overdose.
  • Expand harm reduction programs including supervised drug consumption services, and remove legislative barriers to doing so immediately.
  • Expand access to medication-assisted opioid addiction treatment.
  • Address the overprescribing of opioids in order to reduce harms to patient and public safety, and provide appropriate care for those with chronic pain conditions.
  • Conduct systematic public health surveillance of drug trends, harms, and deaths.
  • Enact wise and humane drug policy (including decriminalization), prioritizing treatment and harm reduction over enforcement and incarceration.

These are not novel concepts. Neither is the need for a swift, nimble, and independent response by federal and public health authorities to crises. That's what every post-SARS Commission called for. It is long past time for our public health authorities to seize leadership—to plant their flag at the Opioid Summit—and put the protection of human health on their backs, which is exactly where that responsibility belongs. Ultimately, someone needs to take charge. You know, like doctors do. In emergencies. Where waiting and dithering means people die.

Hakique Virani, MD FRCPC DABAM, is a specialist in Public Health and Preventive Medicine and Addiction Medicine, and is a Clinical Assistant Professor in the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Alberta. Follow him on Twitter.

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