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The VICE Guide to the 2016 Election: An Expert Explains Why Americans' Vote Won't Matter

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A voter casts a ballot during the most recent New Jersey primary election. (EDUARDO MUNOZ ALVAREZ/AFP/Getty Images)

On November 8, it'll be our collective civic duty to drag our collective ass to the polls and cast a ballot for the angry guy or the email lady. This is an important part of living in a democracy, and we really, really need to vote, you guys. Barack Obama says so, Kendall Jenner says so, even millennial media companies say so.

But what if, hypothetically, you were not exactly excited by the options arrayed before you? For instance, what if a two-party system forced you to choose between keeping everything pretty much the same, or setting the world on fire, and neither seemed like a decent exercise of a franchise? Should you vote for one of the other candidates, like the one who wants to abolish the army or the one who always wears blazers with jeans, even though neither of them can win? Or can you just stay home, even though you know you're really supposed to vote?

To sort through those questions, I called up Jason Brennan, a philosopher and professor at Georgetown University who wrote a book called The Ethics of Voting. He told me why voters are like people who think gasoline can put out fires and when's the right time to vote for Mussolini. Now, I feel a lot better.

VICE: Let's start with a big question. Is it your duty as a citizen to vote?
Jason Brennan: There's survey data on what people think about this, and it's clear most people think there is a duty to vote. I'm pretty skeptical of that, and here's my rationale: When you ask people why is there a duty to vote, they'll say things like: "Well, you have an obligation to exercise civic virtue." Or, "You have an obligation to do something to promote the common good." Or they'll say, "You have an obligation to pay your debt to society." The problem is, none of these reasons show why voting is special. If you want to contribute to the common good, there are millions of ways to do that.

There's one other argument that people like: They say, "Well, if nobody voted, that would be a disaster." You can see what's wrong with that: If nobody farmed, that would be a disaster, too. But it doesn't follow that you and I have an obligation to be farmers. If nobody voted, that might be a disaster, but it's not obvious that anyone in particular has to.

Is there an argument that says it's actually better not to vote?
The typical voter in the United States has extraordinarily low levels of information. They know hardly anything. They know who the president is, but they don't much else. They don't know which party controls Congress, they don't know which party passed which rules, they don't really know whether unemployment is going up or down, whether the economy is getting stronger or weaker. They basically know almost nothing that would be relevant to the election. So one argument against voting is, "If you're very badly informed, you're not doing us a favor by voting."

A metaphor I like to use is, imagine a person named Betty Benevolence. Betty means well, she wants to save the world, but she has false beliefs about how to help people. When she sees that you're on fire, she throws gasoline on you because she falsely believes that will put out the fire. If she sees you're drowning, she throws water in your face, because she falsely believes that will help you breathe. There's reason to think that a lot of voters are like that: They vote for what they perceive to be the national interest, but they don't know much about how politics works, how economics works, how policies work. So they're voting for things that undermine rather than promote their goals.

So say you're one of those rare voters who isn't crazy or stupid or uninformed, and you also are determined to vote for whatever reason. But say you also don't really like either major party candidate. What's the argument for voting for the lesser of two evils?
When you're voting, you can either decide, I want to express my fidelity to what I really care about, or you can say, I'm just going to contribute to making this a little better than it otherwise would be. If you're having an election between Mussolini and Hitler, and you decide, Mussolini's awful, but I'd much rather have him than Hitler and you vote for Mussolini, you're part of the group that's making the world less unjust than it otherwise would be. It's hard to see why that's really blameworthy.

People who do vote for a third party will say things like, "You're reinforcing the two-party system," and I just don't think that's the case, because is going to happen anyways. People will claim, "If enough of us defect and go to the other party, we're giving them a viable threat—if we're on the left-leaning side, they'll have to move a little leftward to keep us... We're preventing them from being moderate, that's our strategy." The problem with that is, empirically when you try to test whether that works, it doesn't look like it really matters much because of the type of voting system we have. People who threaten to leave and go to a third party in effect become irrelevant, because you don't have to get the majority of votes, you just have to get the most votes.

Let's say I live in a deep-blue place like New York City, where none of the races I can vote in—from president to congress—are close at all. My vote really doesn't matter. Is it better to cast my vote for some third-party candidate I like more than Clinton, or should I just stay home?
In most voting systems in most elections that are nationally run, individual inputs don't make a difference either way. There's debate among economists and political scientists about how to calculate the probability that your vote will be decisive. On one of the models that people use—it's called the Brennan-Lomasky model—the chances that your vote would be decisive in a major national election in the US are vanishingly small. They're on the order of the chances that your phone is going to spontaneously quantum tunnel through your desk. On another model, called the Gelman-Kaplan model, you have a higher chance depending on what state you're in. Living in northern Virginia, I have something like a one-in-20-million chance of being decisive in the next presidential election. But you being in New York, you have no chance at all. So it's certainly harmless to vote for a third party.

OK, so most voters are idiots, and your vote doesn't count. Got it. Is there a good argument for voting? Can we end this on a high note?
It's not that you're obligated to vote, but it's a good thing to do. If you're a well-informed voter, you're doing the country a favor. It's like volunteering in a soup kitchen—you're doing a small bit of good. If you stay home, you're not blameworthy for that. But by deciding to get up and do something, you're worthy of praise.

When I go to a sports game, I do the wave. It's not because I think if I fail to do the wave, the wave will stop. because I like participating with others—this is a chance to be part of something. The reason people vote is that they want to be part of a group—they want to be part of the group that is deciding the future of the country. They recognize that their individual inputs aren't going to be decisive. It's about, do you want to be part of the group that's making the decision, or do you want to stay home?

Follow Harry Cheadle on Twitter.


The VICE Morning Bulletin

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Everything you need to know about the world this morning, curated by VICE.

Mourners remember Nykea Aldridge, cousin of NBA star Dwyane Wade, who was one of nine peole killed in Chicago gun violence over the weekend. Photo by Joshua Lott / Stringer via Getty

US News

Nine Dead, 40 Injured in Chicago Weekend Shootings
Nine people were killed and at least 40 others have been wounded in shootings across Chicago since Friday. The most recent homicide took place in the Austin neighborhood on the West Side late Sunday afternoon, where someone shot a 17-year-old boy in the abdomen. He later died in the hospital.—Chicago Sun-Times

LAX Evacuated After False Alarm Gun Scare
False reports of gunfire at Los Angeles International Airport sent passengers running from terminals onto the tarmac Sunday night. Police responded to 911 calls of shots fired, but they later said the reports were based on "loud noises only." The departures and arrival areas of the central terminal were briefly closed during the panic.—NBC News

Majority Think Clinton Would Do More for Minorities
Nearly two-thirds of Americans believe Hillary Clinton would do more to help minorities than Donald Trump if elected president. According to the latest ABC News / SSRS survey, 64 percent said Clinton would do more, while 36 percent chose Trump.—ABC News

US Accepts 10,000th Syrian Refugee
The US will fulfill its goal of accepting 10,000 Syrian refugees today, when several hundred newcomers will arrive from a camp in Jordan. The latest group is expected to resettle in California and Virginia. President Obama committed to the target as part of the Syrian resettlement program.—AP

International News

Suicide Bomb Kills 45 in Yemen
A suicide car bomb attack on an army training camp in Yemen has killed at least 45 people and injured 29 others. The attacker drove a vehicle into a gathering of new recruits at the camp in the city of Aden, according to a security official. ISIS has claimed responsibility for the attack.—Al Jazeera

Ceasefire Takes Effect in Columbia
A ceasefire has come into effect in Colombia between the FARC rebel group and the government, ending five decades of conflict. Colombian president Juan Manuel Santos said the ceasefire, which began at midnight local time, was a "historic step." A referendum on the peace deal between the two sides takes place October 2.—BBC News

Explosion at Brussels Crime Lab
An explosion took place at the Brussels Institute of Criminology in the Belgian capital early Monday, but the building was empty, and no one was hurt. A car reportedly rammed through fences at the crime lab before the explosion took place. A Brussels prosecutor said police believe arson led to the explosion rather than a bomb.— Reuters

Rousseff Impeachment Trial Begins
Suspended president Dilma Rousseff will make a last ditch attempt to hold onto power when her impeachment trial begins in Brazil's Senate today. If the Senate convicts Rousseff on Tuesday or Wednesday, as is widely expected, interim leader Michel Temer will be sworn in to serve out the rest of her term through 2018.—The Guardian

EVERYTHING ELSE

Beyoncé Takes Moms of Police Shooting Victims to VMAs
Beyoncé brought the mothers of shooting victims Mike Brown, Trayvon Martin, Eric Garner, and Oscar Grant to MTV's VMAs on Sunday night. She won eight awards and performed five songs from Lemonade during an epic 16-minute performance.—CBS News

Mars Simulation Crew Completes One-Year Mission
A team of six people have completed a NASA-funded Mars simulation in Hawaii, where they lived in a dome without fresh air, fresh food, or privacy for one year. Crew member Cyprien Verseux said obstacles to living on Mars "can be overcome."—CNN

Colin Kaepernick to Continue National Anthem Protest
The 49ers quarterback insisted he will keep sitting during the "Star-Spangled Banner" until "that flag represents what it's supposed to represent in this country." Kaepernick started his stance in protest against police violence earlier this month.—The Washington Post

Kanye West Unveils New Video at VMAs
Kanye used his full four minutes at the VMAs for a wide-ranging speech, covering everything from his fallout with Taylor Swift to gun violence in Chicago, before premiering a new video for The Life of Pablo's third single, "Fade."—Noisey

White Lives Matter Classed as Hate Group
The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) is to classify "White Lives Matter" as a hate group, joining the likes of the Ku Klux Klan and the National Socialist Movement. "They are clearly white supremacists," said the head of the SPLC's Intelligence Project.—VICE News

Two Scottish Pilots Arrested on Suspicion of Being Drunk
Two airline pilots have been arrested in Glasgow, Scotland, on suspicion of showing up for work under the influence of alcohol. Concerns were raised before the 9 AM United Airlines flight took off to Newark, New Jersey.—VICE

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Fuck Barb: Why the Breakout 'Stranger Things' Character Actually Sucks

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(Photo: makeitstranger.com, via)

Hey: Fuck Barb.

SPOILER WARNING

At this point, as per the strict rules of the internet, I have to now tell you that the below may contain "spoilers", i.e. information that if read by you could ruin the experience of the Netflix series 'Stranger Things', as if Barb – her existence and her fate – did not ruin it enough. But yes: the below copy may contain some information that you've literally had five weeks – five entire weeks, the entire series lasts less than eight hours, tell me how you've not found the time so far – to catch up on, but somehow, despite still being precious about having it spoiled, you have not found the time to catch up on. But still.

Fuck Barbara.

So I just got done watching Stranger Things, and – yeah, no, it's a good show! I like how it's like a Stephen King novel without any involvement at all from Stephen King – and all the way through I was like, 'Well, huh: the internet says Barb is good, so there's definitely going to be a scene now where Barb actually does something good.' Like, I am watching the finale with all the shooting and the upside-down traversing and all the dunking into isolation tanks, and I'm like: 'Surely – surely now – Barb is going to pop up and we will have Barb closure. Barb is going to do something good to justify all the Barb-liking online; Barb is going to roll in in her shitty-ass car and be like, "Hey guys, what up! I'm not a nerd any more! I found a shop here in the other world that sells less shitty jumpers and I've decided to stop being such a fucking buzzkill all the fucking time!" Like Barb effortlessly shotguns a beer and everyone is like, "Oh damn, Barb is cool now!" and that is why the internet likes her. Like: turns out Barb got abducted by a monster, but somehow along the way made friends with Snoop Dogg, and Snoop Dogg turns up and is like, "What's happening in the upsizzle-dizzle?" and puffs a heavy one with Barb. But no. That didn't happen. And, to be honest, the unresolved anticipation of Barb turning out to be good did completely ruin the finale and thus the series for me.

Barb thinkpieces abound, though. This Salon article cites her "awesome power of friendship" (Barb's friendship consists of occasional lifts, being so lame at a party that her best friend almost doesn't get laid from it, kind of lowkey slut-shaming her, then dying! How is that awesome!) Vanity Fair attributes Barb-mania to the fact that "the bespectacled, freckle-flecked Barb looks more like someone you might actually meet in real life". (If I wanted to watch TV for people I would meet in real life I have Jeremy Kyle and the nervous giggling of Come Dine With Me shit-shows – I don't need an iconically boring freckle nerd.) Vulture deigns her a "fashion icon" ("Yo, mum! Grandma fell down the stairs again into all those bin bags full of clothes you put out to take to the charity shop! I think she's really hurt this time, she looks so bad!" "That's just Barb!")

I don't get it. Barb is not good. She is a character written specifically to be rubbish and then die. It is time we end this charade. It is time we admit that Barb is empirically lame. Here – in more detail – is why.

f u c k b a r b (Photo: Netflix, via)

BARB IS SO UNCOOL THAT HER SOLE ATTEMPT TO BE COOL, I.E. SHOTGUNNING A BEER AT A PARTY, WENT SO BADLY THAT SHE SUMMONED A HELL MONSTER TO SNATCH HER ASS INTO ANOTHER, DARKER UNIVERSE

Hey: we've all fucked up drinking when we were teenagers, OK! I once got so drunk I vomited in a sink and one of my friends had to clear it up because I was too drunk to! I once had to help another drunk friend piss, but I was so drunk I dropped him, clonking him head first and covered in piss into a urinal! But I never fucked up opening a beer so hard my hand started bleeding, then I sat and moped about it and bled into someone's swimming poll (which, by the way: extremely rude!) and then got snatched into an impossible alternate dimension that nobody else can access by a tulip-headed hell beast. Only Barb – who fucking sucks, by the way – can do this.

THE PERSON WHO KNOWS BARB BEST – HER MOTHER – WHEN CONFRONTED WITH THE INFORMATION THAT "SOMETHING BAD HAS HAPPENED TO BARB" IS LIKE, "EH: FUCK BARB"

"Hey, Mrs Barb! Just me, Barb's only friend. Listen, bit of a weird one: any chance Barb is at your house?"

"I thought Barb was with you?"

"Ha, yeah! Just thought she might have come home before, like, school?"

"You're right, Barb is a fucking nerd like that. But no."

"Oh, OK. Side-note: I think something awful and terrible might have happened to Barb."

"Ha–ha, really? Man: phew. Because seriously, kid. Fuck Barb. Did you know she reads books for fun? I don't need that around. I'm gonna hang up the phone now, focus on my own life. Whoo! That's a weight off. I'm not even going to call the police about this."

ASKING-TEACHER-FOR-EXTRA-HOMEWORK MOTHERFUCKER-ASS DEAD IN AN ALTERNATE UNIVERSE FUCKING YOUR GRANDMA'S PRESCRIPTION GLASSES CONSTANTLY FOLDER-HOLDING FUCKING CRAPPIEST CAR ON PLANET EARTH-HAVING MOTHERFUCKING—

SHE LOOKS LIKE HER FAVOURITE DRINK IS MILK.

THE POLICE, WHOSE CIVIC DUTY IT IS TO CARE WHEN BARB HAS POSSIBLY BEEN ABDUCTED AND MURDERED, WHEN CONFRONTED WITH THE INFORMATION THAT BARB MIGHT HAVE BEEN ABDUCTED AND MURDERED – IN A TOWN ALREADY FACING UP TO THE REALITY THAT ITS OTHERWISE CLEAN RUN OF NON-CRIME MIGHT HAVE BEEN ENDED BY A KID GETTING ABDUCTED AND MURDERED, AND THAT THIS POSSIBLE ABDUCTION/MURDER COULD BE RELATED – EVEN WITH ALL THAT, THE POLICE ARE LIKE, 'EH: FUCK BARB'

"What? Barb? Listen, I've already got one crime to be looking into, I don't need this—"

"But there's like three of you. Can't at least one person look into the fact that my friend is missing?"

"Well, I mean... we could. But here's the thing, kid: it's only fucking Barb, isn't it."

HERE IS AN EXHAUSTIVE LIST OF ALL THE SHIT BARB SAYS IN STRANGER THINGS SEASON ONE

1. "No, Nance. Don't do that. It might be fun."

2. "Yoooooo, nice bra! You gonna fuck Steve in it? Hope you're still my friend after you've been penetrated!"

3. "ARRRRRGHGHGHHGHG, ARGHHGHGHGHGHGHGHG, AGHHGHGHGHGHGHGHG, ARHHHGHGHGHGGH!"

SHE IS IN THE SHOW FOR LIKE TWO EPISODES, AND JUST BARELY AT THAT

I don't understand how someone with about four cumulative minutes of screen time – and those four minutes were spent being a bore, being uptight, bleeding and then dying – how they can ascend to icon status in that time? Am I... what? What?

BARB DIDN'T EVEN FIGURE OUT HOW TO COMMUNICATE FROM THE UPSIDE-DOWN, BUT WILL – WHO IS A KID, REMEMBER, AND WAS TOTALLY PASSED OUT AND FUCKED UP IN AN ALT-UNIVERSE TENT – MANAGED TO TALK TO HIS MUM VIA FUCKING FAIRY LIGHTS, LIKE AT LEAST TRY, BARB, IF YOU WANT ME TO MOURN YOUR FICTIONAL DEATH AT LEAST TRY AND COMMUNICATE WITH PEOPLE WHO MIGHT SAVE YOU, BARB, JFC

Will fucked up two – two – telephones while trying to get back to reality. Barb just died. Because she sucks.

EVERYONE THINKS THAT BARB IS GOOD, WHICH SOMEHOW MAKES ME THINK I AM IN THE UPSIDE-DOWN, HERE; I AM IN THE ALTERNATE UNIVERSE WHERE EVERYTHING IS WRONG, BECAUSE HOW CAN YOU POSSIBLY STAND THERE AND THINK BARB IS GOOD

I suppose Barb is meant to be a relatable character, somehow, as if everyone who really loved Stranger Things (mid-twenties to early-thirties people who barely remember the 80s but somehow feel really nostalgic about it) wears blousy woollen jumpers all the time and the mummest jeans available and has exactly one friend and is a constant, constant, no-we-should-go-home buzzkill about things, and is also a murder victim, and the murderer is a tulip-headed monster from some dark pond dimension just beyond our own, but I'm pretty sure they're not

IN CONCLUSION: BARB SUCKS

So bad!

@joelgolby

More stuff from VICE:

Winona Forever: The Timeless Appeal of Hollywood's Eternal Outsider

'Stranger Things' Is Terrifyingly Good 80s Nostalgia

'Stranger Things' Shows Us That 'Dungeons and Dragons' Can Solve Our Political Problems

HIV-Positive Organ Donors Are Now Able to Save Lives

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Illustration by Cathryn Virginia

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Alexandra Harry was diagnosed with HIV in 1989, a time when the disease was a death sentence. Today, with the advent of advanced antiretroviral drugs, HIV (at least for those with access to proper treatment) is more akin to a chronic care condition, like diabetes. As such, Harry has had an undetectable viral load (meaning the amount of HIV virus in her blood falls below what lab tests can detect) since 1999.

But in 2005, she began to experience extreme fatigue, which was diagnosed as end stage renal disease, or kidney failure. Doctors were unable to say whether her renal failure was related to the disease itself or its treatment—either could be the cause. Her only treatment options were an organ transplant or dialysis.

At the time, Manhattan's Mount Sinai Hospital was part of a National Institutes of Health study of organ transplants on HIV+ patients (using HIV-negative organ donors). Harry joined the study that same year, and was admitted to their kidney transplant waiting list.

This May, after 11 years of waiting and dialysis, Harry finally received a kidney. But hers was a kidney from an HIV+ donor. She received only the second such transplant of HIV+ tissue into an HIV+ donor in the United States—the first was at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine this March—and is the first to publicly share her story.

As of July 29th, there are over 119,000 candidates for organ transplantation on waiting lists, according to the United Network for Organ Sharing. With the arrival of an HIV+ organ donor pool, HIV+ patients awaiting organs will be given new lease on life, and others on the transplant waiting list will receive organs sooner.

"Allowing the transplantation of HIV+ organs will generate 500 to 2,000 new donors annually, and will be the largest increase to the donor pool ever." —Dr. Sander Florman

South Africa has been performing HIV+ to HIV+ transplants since 2008, where 19.1 percent of the adult general population carries HIV, one of the highest rates in the world. While the UK's National Health Service Blood and Transplant agency revealed this May that the country has performed four HIV+ to HIV+ transplants over the past five years, the procedure remains in its infancy.

Transplants involving tissue from HIV+ persons have been illegal in the US since 1988, when amendments to the Organ Transplant Act made such procedures illegal. The policy made sense at the time, given mortality rates for HIV/AIDS in the 1980s and the intense climate of fear surrounding the disease when the law was enacted (its original language evinced a lack of understanding that HIV was the cause of AIDS.) But today, given advances in medical science surrounding HIV and organ rejection, organs and tissues transplanted from well-screened HIV+ donors are likely to see similar rates of success as those involving other sorts of high-risk patients.

In 2013, with bipartisan support, President Obama signed the HIV Organ Policy Equity (HOPE) Act into law, which allowed the transplantation of HIV-infected organs into HIV+ patients. Three years later, during which the National Institutes of Health developed safeguards and criteria for such transplants, HIV+ patients in need of organs now have another option to turn to in the face of dire demand. Such patients still have the option of waiting for HIV- organs, as well, and HIV+ organs will not be used in HIV- patients.

Dr. Sander Florman, the Director of the Transplant Institute at Mount Sinai, believes transplanting HIV+ organs into HIV+ recipients will help everyone awaiting an organ.

"We don't have enough organs, and many people will die on the waiting list before they ever receive a transplant," Dr. Florman told VICE. "Allowing the transplantation of HIV+ organs will generate 500-2000 new donors annually, and will be the largest increase to the donor pool ever. Whenever someone with HIV receives a transplant and is removed from the list, everyone else will have a better chance."

According to Dr. Florman, safeguards in place for HIV+ to HIV+ transplants greatly reduce the risk of virus-related complications. He says that patients and donors are selected who have undetectable viral loads; furthermore, donors are screened for resistance to common HIV medicine. For Harry, this meant that her donor had to have the same strain of the virus she carries. By making sure that donors don't have a more virulent strain of HIV, the theoretical risk of "superinfection" can be reduced.

August is Harry's third month post-transplant, a critical time for patients. The body can potentially reject the new organ, meaning that it views it as a foreign invader, and the immune system tries to eliminate it. Studies of HIV+ patients who have received HIV- organs have shown that, for unknown reasons, they experience transplant rejection at two to three times the rate of HIV- patients. Managing an HIV infection and the antiretroviral drugs used to suppress it alongside post-transplant care and immunosuppressants used to help bodies accept new organs presents a dual challenge for clinical teams. Much research and work remains to increase the safety and viability of HIV+ to HIV+ transplants; in one study, five out of 27 HIV+ South African recipients of HIV+ organs experienced acute rejection episodes, a 19% rate. Thankfully, a biopsy revealed that Harry's new HIV+ kidney is faring just fine in her body.

Despite the HOPE Act, 15 states still have laws making transplanting HIV-infected organs a felony. While eight centers around the country have signed up to transplant HIV-infected tissue, other transplant centers are caught in a legal conundrum where NIH research goals, federal law, and state law aren't aligned.

This leaves individual hospital programs to pioneer initiatives which influence government policy. In May 2016, an HIV+ patient at UCSF Medical Center had a small window of time to receive a partial liver transplant from his HIV+ partner. At the time, transplanting HIV+ tissue was still a felony in California, and Dr. Peter Stock at UCSF asked California Governor Jerry Brown for emergency legislation to overturn the law so he could help the patient without criminalizing his team.

"Patients with HIV on the transplant list move to death much quicker," says Stock. "We need to encourage HIV+ to HIV+ transplants. If a young person with HIV dies of trauma, those organs are good. We should use them."

Today, the focus for activists like Dr. Stock is on increased outreach and education within the HIV+ community about the HOPE Act. For years, many HIV+ people have thought they were excluded from being an organ donor. With the passage of the HOPE act and pioneering hospitals like Mount Sinai and Johns Hopkins, they finally have the ability to help save the life of their fellow infected—but only if they know such programs exist.

Follow Matt Terrell on Twitter.

What Makes a Shooting a Mass Shooting?

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Police remove a car hit by gunfire outside of Club Blu where two people were killed and at least 15 wounded on July 25, 2016 in Fort Myers, Florida. Photo by Mike Carlson/Getty Images

For many Americans, the avalanche of headlines last year claiming the United States played host to at least one mass shooting a day must have been shocking. After all, only a handful of those violent tragedies generated sustained national attention, and incidents on the scale of Columbine or Sandy Hook are not exactly routine, even if they are far too common. And because neither the government nor wider society has historically been able to agree on a solid definition of what makes a shooting a "mass shooting," some attacks have tended to evade classification entirely, encouraging the public to turn a blind eye to the full extent and impact of large-scale gun violence in America.

In the past year or so, however, several media outlets have converged on a broad consensus that a shooting with four or more victims—whether dead or injured—constitutes a mass shooting. VICE accepted that metric when deciding to track reports of mass shootings in 2016 as a means of drawing sustained attention to an ongoing national nightmare. Those accustomed to thinking of a "mass shooting" as a truly catastrophic attack like the Orlando nightclub shooting that killed 49 and injured 53 more might deem four-or-more shot a bizarrely low threshold. But the new metric emerged after measured considerations and considerable debate—including tough calls like what qualifies as a single shooting incident and whether victims hit by shrapnel are necessarily shooting victims.

After several months of coverage, we feel confident that this definition of a mass shooting effectively and reliably captures this enduring American problem and should serve to encourage public action against it in the future.

In previous decades, a mass shooting was often naturally understood as an episode of gun violence in a public place in which a shooter fired at random targets, usually killing a significant but unspecified number of individuals. Some point to ex-marine Charles Whitman's 1966 sniper-rifle attack from a watchtower at the University of Texas in Austin that killed 13 and injured over two-dozen more as the first modern mass shooting—certainly it was the first such incident to take place on a modern college campus. Key to the traditional understanding of these tragedies is that they occurred outside of the context of episodes of robbery or domestic or gang violence targeted at specific individuals—indiscrimination was thought to be a primary criterion. If we leave those more personal incidents aside and employ the bodycount threshold leaned on in years past by magazines like Mother Jones (four or more people killed), the number of American mass shootings in any given year is often in the single digits. That hardly seems like an epidemic.

But for many observers, that definition has proved far too narrow, failing to capture and convey the full scope of large-scale gun violence in the United States. In particular, it neglects to draw measured attention to the prevalence of this kind of violence in marginalized communities and the disproportionate pain and trauma it can bring them. Mother Jones based its definition in part on the guidance of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, which long considered any incident in which four or more people are killed (not including the attacker or attackers) in close proximity a "mass killing" and a person who killed four or more people a "mass murderer." (The feds revised their metric for mass killings down to three or more fatalities in 2013, even if the older definition still has traction.) That the FBI set the concept of "mass" at a border of four begs the argument that mass shootings ought to encompass incidents in which four or more people are shot, whether they are killed or not. After all, gunshot injuries often have lifelong repercussions for victims and the communities around them.

Critics say this more liberal definition of four injured stems from a lowly Reddit sub in 2013 and was simply latched onto by uncritical reporters who wanted to gin up sensational headlines. But no matter where it came from, the metric seems to better honor the scale of mass gun violence in America, illuminate where its sting is felt worst, and acknowledge the lasting damage shooting injuries can cause survivors. There's also no evidence as of yet that a full-blown national panic about mass shootings has ensued and no realistic danger that the public will grow too worried anytime soon. Meanwhile, nonprofits like the Gun Violence Archive and outlets like FiveThirtyEight have taken up the wider four-or-more-injured metric. Even President Barack Obama seemed to implicitly endorse the emerging definition by referring to an attack in Lafayette, Louisiana, in 2015 that killed two and injured nine as a mass shooting.

The main concern about this liberalized definition is that it could theoretically make it more difficult for casual observers to discern whether truly enormous public rampages are actually on the rise. It also aggregates types of violence from party and gang shootings to domestic violence, which probably warrant different solutions. The metric could also be said to distract focus from the much larger total scale of gun harm in the nation—more than 33,000 deaths and 80,000 injuries in 2012 alone.

If nothing else, even some critics of the four-or-more-injured threshold concede it's worthwhile to debate these metrics and definitions. The process fosters awareness of large-scale gun violence and brings neglected attacks into focus. For the purposes of VICE's Mass Shooting Tracker, it's especially useful in making comparisons to the extremely rare incidence of similar attacks in Europe.

"I don't think anyone should ignore mass casualty events, even if fewer than four die. It's certainly a serious crime," says James Alan Fox, an expert on mass shootings at Northeastern University who remains a bit dubious about referring to these events as "mass shootings" rather than something like "large-scale shootings" to avoid confusion with the old, narrower definition.

"We also keep statistics on shootings," Fox adds. "We keep statistics on rapes. Obviously the more information we have on gun crime in the US, the more useful. We just don't want to confuse people or scare people into thinking that mass killings are more frequent."

Little differences between emerging definitions remain, of course. The crowd-sourced Mass Shooting Tracker, for instance, includes dead or injured attacker(s) in their numbers. It also groups together all the death and injury from shooting "sprees" (like all the bloodshed of former Uber driver James Dalton's February 2016 drive-bys in and around Kalamazoo, Michigan) as part of one mass shooting, despite the fact that the FBI defines sprees as comprising discrete acts of violence dispersed geographically and temporally. That tracker also includes incidents in which some or most victims were hit by shrapnel created when a bullet hit, say, a windshield, like the recent shooting spree in Joplin, Mississippi, in which the shooter only struck three people but two more caught shrapnel. That increases the number of mass shootings reported, but arguably lessens the legitimacy of that snapshot of large-scale gun violence.

To focus on the sheer carnage one individual or a small group can inflict on others with a gun to hand, VICE and some other trackers exclude attackers from our counts—as well as deaths at the hands of law enforcement, which are often gravely concerning, but differ significantly in motive and nature from civilian gun violence. VICE also only counts individual mass shootings within wider sprees (using the Michigan example again, that means just the shooting outside of the Ohstemo Cracker Barrel that killed four and injured one out of Dalton's various Kalamazoo area attacks) and excludes collateral wounds like shrapnel.

How America defines a mass shooting is a work in progress, but the very act of talking about it has value. Hashing out new metrics that suggest a large number of attacks is not meant to scare people—it's meant to open eyes to a broad, ongoing tragedy, one that is rarely seen in aggregate, but nonetheless continually ravages the nation. It's part of a sea change in what Americans consider banal, invisible, or even tolerable violence. And hopefully it will crystalize not just the public conception of mass shootings, but the national resolve to act against and control them in all their forms.

Follow Mark Hay on Twitter.

'The Night Of' Was the Bleakest TV Show of the Summer, and It Was Great

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Screenshot via HBO

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Spoilers for the last episode of 'The Night Of' follow.

The Night Of does not care about you. For seven weeks fans have been watching, concocting theories about the murder at the show's center, and waiting for answers to their questions—and for some semblance of justice to be served. Instead, we got a finale that was maybe the coldest anti–fan service since The Sopranos cut to black.

Who killed Andrea? It was the financial manager, a minor character who briefly appeared in the finale for a confrontation with Detective Box (Bill Camp) and didn't even get arrested at the end. Was Naz (Riz Ahmed) exonerated? Nope—a deadlocked jury and a reluctant prosecutor sprung him from Riker's, but the dirty looks he gets from neighbors suggest he's now a social pariah. Does Box get any reward for solving a case that he had no business solving? Nah—now he's a security guard at a university.

Was anyone left any better off post-trial? Let's go down the list: Box is in retirement and hating it; Naz is isolated and still freebasing drugs; Chandra (Amara Karan) is fired, and her career's destroyed after an ill-conceived makeout session with her client; John Stone (John Turturro) is still covered in eczema and representing low-level perps for $250. The only character who ended up a victor was Andrea's nonchalantly cruel stepdad (Paul Sparks), now a millionaire thanks to her death.

Unsurprisingly for a show that deals in various shades of steel-gray and black, The Night Of ended on neither a bang nor a whimper, but a series of doors closing and locking. Stone delivers the line that sums up the miniseries's overarching message while giving Naz some sage advice on his life after Riker's: "Right now, at the 21st Precinct, there's someone in the pen. They'll take 'em down to the Tombs, to court, to Rikers. Meanwhile there's someone else in the pen. Tomorrow, someone else, the next day, someone else. No one's even thinking about you anymore."

"No one cares about you" is not the sort of thing a life coach says—but then, life coaches generally have fewer open sores on their faces than Stone does. Plus, if there's anything The Night Of knows about, it's not caring. Freddy (Michael K Williams) leaks the video of Chandra kissing Naz, presumably in order to keep his protégé with him in Riker's. Stone sells out poor, naïve Chandra, revealing her tryst in an attempt to get a mistrial. Prosecutor Helen Weiss (Jeannie Berlin) ignores Box's evidence that someone else killed Andrea until it's clear that she can't win the case. Not that caring is worth a damn anyway—Chandra cares so much about Naz she buys drugs for him and puts him on the witness stand, allowing Helen to eviscerate him and manipulate him into admitting he doesn't know whether he killed Andrea.

The character with the hardest heart, though, is Naz himself. Before his release, he recruits new members into Freddy's gang, makes Chandra his drug mule, and prepares for a lifetime of prison crime. That hardness doesn't go away when he leaves Riker's: In an agonizing scene between Naz and his mother (Poorna Jagannathan), he confronts her over her doubts during the trial: "You thought I killed her." "Never," she says, and "OK, mom" is his only reply.

It's a quick exchange that shows just how cruel Naz has grown—or, maybe, how cruel he's always been. Instead of crying over the fact that his own mother thought him capable of murder, he turns it around on her like a knife: I know that you thought I killed her, and I don't forgive you. I'm going out to freebase now.

The Night Of has always been about the casual brutality inflicted on everyone through the bureaucracy of the criminal justice system: how it turns representatives like Stone cruel and callous, how it mistreats innocent people caught up in it, how impossible it is to untangle yourself from it. It's a slow show that rarely holds the audience's hand, refuses to resolve loose ends, and dropped some threads outright—like whatever happened with Naz's father's cab, and how Stone, obviously not a rich man, is able to buy all those subway ads.

What could have been a fairly grim trek through jail and court was livened up, however, by a cast of actors both known and unknown determined to knock even brief appearances out of the park, like an all-star version of Law & Order. In the finale, J.D. Williams (best known as Bodie in The Wire) turns his time in the witness box into a comedic set piece; Berlin caps off an Emmy-worthy performance in the series by deconstructing Naz; and Camp is similarly outstanding at displaying the depths lying under the schlubby appearance of an unhappily retired detective. Fischer Stevens, who plays the give-no-shits pharmacist, says about 20 words during the course of the show, and all of them are funny.

The world of The Night Of managed to feel lived-in and populated after a mere eight episodes—an accomplishment that few shows, even on HBO, manage to achieve. It's also not a very nice world: people are mean to each other, they fuck up when lives are on the line, and they ultimately don't do a very good job of saving one another.

But they still try. The last shot of The Night Of is Stone picking up his battered bag, putting on his big ugly coat, and sweeping off into the night to help some poor fuck try to get out of trouble he probably deserves. In the background is the cat—another life, along with Naz's, that Stone has just saved. Not much of a hero, maybe, but in these conditions we'll take what we can get.

Follow Harry Cheadle on Twitter.

A Triple Murder, a Broken Family, and the Long Tail of the Crack Era

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Langdon Park in northeast Washington, DC, on Wednesday, August 24, 2016. All photographs by Jared Soares

On a Sunday afternoon in April 1991, Curtis Pixley's family was at home in the Langdon area of Washington, DC, when a familiar face from the neighborhood knocked on the door. He was there to tell them people were looking for Curtis, whom they hadn't seen since that Friday.

"He came by after we got back from church," one of Pixley's sisters told reporters a few days later. "He said some people from the Avenue wanted to see and talk to him."

"The Avenue" was Montana Avenue, a nearby strip of road then home to an open-air drug market. Pixley would have known plenty of people from the Avenue. Like many in DC, he had fallen into crack addiction in the 80s. His family described him as friendly and gentle, but drugs led him into all kinds of trouble. According to the Washington Post, when he died, Pixley was facing second-degree murder charges after an associate of his beat a man to death with a baseball bat. Curtis Pixley's own father had died just weeks earlier.

The morning after that warning, police were dispatched to Langdon Park in the center of the neighborhood, where they found a grisly scene. On a grassy slope and under a canopy of trees lay three bodies, each of which had been shot multiple times, facedown and lined up side by side. Police later identified two of the bodies as Samantha Gillard, 23, and Keith Edwin Simmons, 26. The third one was Pixley.

Given Pixley's addiction and the violence that accompanied the crack wave sweeping DC and the country at-large, many suspected the killings were related to drugs. But months passed without an arrest, then years, and eventually decades. In that time, the crack epidemic subsided, and a new, safer DC emerged. Langdon has since seen much of that era's residual damage papered over with remodeled homes and new construction. Meanwhile, three of Pixley's children, haunted by their father's death, were caught up in the same world of drugs and violence that he was.

"My oldest brother, Curtis, found our dad's body," Lakeeya Pixley, who was ten when her father was killed, told VICE. Her voice was muffled; she was calling from the Maryland Correctional Institution for Women, where she is serving a sentence for attempted murder. She believes the event ruined her life, with questions and rumors about what happened to her father looming over the family ever since.

This February, DC cops arrested two men who had briefly been suspects at the time of the original investigation and charged them with the 1991 triple murder. Police not only closed a 25-year-old murder investigation, they offered one family stuck in the long shadow of the crack epidemic some semblance of closure. Still, the story of Pixley's death and its aftermath show just how deep the wounds of the crack wave go and how some people are still struggling with them today.

The Pixley family home in northeast Washington, DC, in August 2016

The youngest of eight children, Curtis Pixley grew up in Langdon, then a working-class DC neighborhood comprised of black homeowners who moved in after desegregation and the white flight of the 1960s. His parents bought a six-bedroom house on South Dakota Avenue, where he and much of his immediate family lived until the time of his death. In 1980, Pixley graduated from HD Woodson High School in northeast DC only to enter adult life in a city with rapidly diminishing prospects for its black population. Nearly 60 percent of DC's black adults were employed the year before Curtis graduated high school, but that number would drop to just over 50 percent by 1982, according to one analysis by the DC Fiscal Policy Institute.

Pixley held a variety of odd jobs in the decade after he graduated, working in a northern Virginia bakery and sometimes as a construction worker. He fathered five children: Curtis Jr., Lakeeya, Kelsey, Doniqua, and Jamesha. The first of Pixley's three children—Curtis Jr., Lakeeya, and Kelsey—were with his high school sweetheart, Yolanda Gayden. The two met around 1979 through a mutual friend, and Gayden was smitten immediately.

"We met up near Edgewood one day," she said. "I remember he was coming from the laundromat with his nieces and nephews. I can't really say what made me like him, but he was funny to me, and he was an outgoing person; he liked to do things and go places—and Curtis loved kids."

Yolanda Gayden, mother of Curtis Pixley's children, near the site where his body was found after an execution-style murder in 1991 at Langdon Park in Washington, DC

About a year after meeting, Pixley and Gayden had their first child, Curtis Jr, and Gayden soon moved into the Pixley home, an environment she describes as "wild," filled with people and partying and drugs. But Gayden said Pixley, the "baby" of the family, avoided it all during their first years together.

"He didn't even drink," she said. "They'd play basketball, and after everybody would get a drink, Curtis would buy a six-pack of soda."

In 1984, Pixley ran afoul of the law for the first time: A shoving match between one of his nieces and a neighborhood girl escalated into a fight and later a melee involving several members of the Pixley family and the girl's relatives. After the fight, the's girl home was firebombed; according to the Post, the small house—where about 20 people lived—was badly damaged and several residents, including six children, were seriously injured.

Police arrested Pixley and charged him with arson, but he was acquitted after a short trial. Gayden thinks the episode changed something in him, however, and it was around this time that she suspects one of Pixley's brothers introduced him to crack cocaine.

"He was an upright man until he got introduced to those drugs, and the drugs brought out the worst side of him," she said. "I would wake up sometimes to him taking my jewelry off me in my sleep. That crack cocaine was some shit. I remember many a day when men would come to the house looking for Curtis, or they'd hold him hostage because he owed them money and his mother would have to end up paying them back. That's what broke me and him up. I just couldn't deal with that shit."

Crack and powder cocaine are the same drug; what sets crack apart is that it's freebased, often after being cooked with baking soda—either way, smoking instead of snorting gives users a more intense, immediate high. Experts hypothesize that the technique of cooking crack—which made coke more affordable—spread from New York City in the 80s. Dealers there eventually learned that a vial of crack that sold for $5 in NYC could fetch $25 in the District.

Crack's effects were immediate and obvious. In 1984, 15 percent of DC's arrestees tested positive for cocaine. Just four years later, that figure had risen to 60 percent. By then, dozens of open-air drug markets had cropped up across DC's 63 square miles. A dealer who paid $600 for a half-ounce of cocaine could sell the 50 or so small rocks it yielded at $20 apiece and nearly double his money in a few short hours.

The Langdon area where Curtis Pixley lived was, like much of DC, hit hard by crack and its attendant chaos. Drugs were sold openly on some blocks, prostitutes and johns congregated in the alleys at night, and Langdon Park became known as a hotspot for drug use and other shady activity.

Langdon Park in northeast Washington, DC

Experts today tend to agree that crack was no more addictive than powder cocaine. It was, however, very potent and very cheap. Perhaps crack's most damaging components were the underground trade it birthed and the deadly turf wars that came with it. Crack markets served customers 24 hours a day and become a source of income in previously deprived communities. Entire neighborhoods operated on a crack economy, causing street-level dealers to battle frequently over territory, customers, and suppliers.

In 1990, DC saw 472 homicides, about one for every 1,300 residents, the highest rate of any American city that year. The first three months of 1991 were worse, with 142 homicides. Even among those, the Langdon Park scene of Curtis Pixley's murder stood out for its brutality, signaling to residents that things would only get bloodier in the District—and they did. The remaining months of 1991 witnessed another 337 homicides, making it the deadliest year in the city's history.

Almost immediately, the investigation of the triple murder in Langdon Park focused on Curtis Pixley, rather than the other two victims. Gillard and Simmons were both friends of the Pixley family and connected to Curtis through his older sister Shirley––Simmons was Shirley's boyfriend, and Gillard was a close friend. Detectives learned that on the day they were killed, the three had all been at the home of one of Pixley's relatives in southeast Washington. People who were there said Simmons offered to drive Pixley and Gillard back northeast but were uncertain why they ended up at the park.

Sandra Pixley, Curtis's eldest sister, told police she believed her brother was lured to the park by someone he knew and then killed by a third person. Rumors circulated throughout Langdon that the trio were killed in retribution after Pixley stole a car. The Pixley family told police all they knew, but without the name of a suspect or witnesses to the crime, the case eventually got buried under a mounting pile of new murders.

William O. Ritchie, who led the DC Metropolitan Police Department's homicide branch in the late 80s and retired as deputy chief of police in 1994, doesn't recall the details of the triple murder but does vividly remember the casual brutality of the crack era in DC.

"People were coming down from New York City to sell crack and the turf battles with local dealers started almost immediately," he told me. "There was a serious war, and the culture of violence just grew and grew... The medical examiner during that time did a study on the average number of gunshot wounds in our homicide cases, and it was more than ten wounds on average per victim.

"It got to the point when I was homicide commander that I wouldn't ask whether we had one, I would ask how many," he added. "The average homicide detective across the country was working six cases a year, but my guys were working 13, 14,15 cases a year. You can't do a homicide justice when you're running from one homicide scene to another."

Despite drawing local media coverage, the triple homicide went cold. Their families were devastated by not knowing—and remained so as the story of the killings faded from newspaper headlines.

But the city as a whole moved on, with crack use and crime rates both falling during the 90s. Today, Langdon is transformed; a 2014 article in the real estate section of the Post called the neighborhood "a quiet corner of DC" for young professionals. The median price of a single-family house in Langdon was $165,000 in 2015 dollars back in 1995—two decades later that number had spiked to $526,000.

Ashley Williams, a longtime Langdon Park resident in northeast Washington, DC, in August 2016

The neighborhood has changed a lot," Ashley Williams, who grew up in Langdon in the 90s and lives there today, told VICE. "There are empty houses that we used as meet-up spots when we were teenagers that have been remodeled and are now homes again. It's safer; you don't have to worry about getting shot or robbed. That's true for most of DC in general."

On February 17, 25 years after the bodies of Pixley, Simmons, and Gillard were discovered, Michael Green, 44, of northeast DC, and Benito Valdez, 45, of Arlington, Virginia, were charged with first-degree murder in the triple homicide.

According to court documents, authorities believe the rumor that the trio were killed in retribution for stealing a car was accurate—Valdez was allegedly the owner of the car, which contained between a half-ounce and an ounce of cocaine. Witnesses say the killers forced the three to walk from a convenience store to the park, made them lie down on the ground, and shot each in the head. Police discovered 13 empty cartridges at the scene and determined that at least two guns were used in what amounted to an execution.

Cops had actually been onto Green and Valdez early into their initial investigation in 1991. In fact, officers stopped the two men in a car within a week of the killing and found cocaine and two guns on them, though neither weapon was a positive match for the shells recovered at the park. Soon after, a witness suggested to police that another man, not Green or Valdez, was actually the shooter. Based on that information, detectives moved on.

That original witness changed his story last year, however, after being arrested for an unrelated crime. He admitted to Metropolitan Police Department officers that he had lied those many years ago and told police that he knew way back in 1991 that Green and Valdez sold drugs in Langdon Park and were looking for Pixley for stealing a car. According to an affidavit, the same witness also admitted to police that he'd overheard a conversation between Valdez and Green about the killing in which Valdez said he wished "it had not happened the way it happened," and Green responded, "It had to be done." Subsequent interviews with 11 other people helped officers corroborate that Green and Valdez were almost certainly the men responsible for killing Pixley, Simmons, and Gillard.

Lt. Anthony Haythe at Metropolitan Police Department Headquarters in Washington, DC

"This case came down to police work by the detective assigned. We weren't assisted by DNA or any new technology; it was police work all the way around," Anthony Haythe, who heads up the MPD's homicide branch, told VICE. "The detective received some new information, re-interviewed some of the individuals who were spoken to earlier, and what they told him allowed us to close the case after all these years."

The arrests may have come too late for Pixley's oldest children. Traumatized by their father's death, Lakeeya Pixley said she and her two brothers turned to lives of drugs and violence to cope with feelings of anger and abandonment that came after their father's death.

Lakeeya said the family heard the gunshots that ended Pixley's life; she, her brother, and other relatives were sitting on the porch when they heard the unmistakable sound echo through the neighborhood. The next morning, Pixley's mother gave Lakeeya and her older brother Curtis Jr. strict instructions to walk along the streets that bordered the park rather than cutting through it on their way to school. Instead, the two kids headed down Hamlin Street, a short strip that runs from where they lived on South Dakota directly into the park. On the way, they met up with a cousin, Andy, and a friend from the neighborhood.

Sandra Pixley, eldest sister of Curtis Pixley, near the site of his murder in Langdon Park

It's here that the Pixley family's story diverges from the official record. The police report said a passerby found the three bodies, but both Lakeeya and her mother maintain it was Curtis Jr. who first discovered the gruesome scene before running home and alerting his grandmother, who then called the police.

Lakeeya said she remembers walking through the park with Curtis and Andy and stopping suddenly when the children noticed bodies facedown in the distance.

"We knew what a dead body was, and there were three dead bodies lying right there," Lakeeya told VICE. "My brother said, 'Y'all go on to school. I'm going over there because I know that's my father,' and I was listening to him like, What is wrong with you? But he knew. I instantly got nervous. I just wanted to go to school because I didn't want to see my father like that."

"Those kids knew that was their father," Yolanda Gayden said. "My oldest son said he just knew. He told me that he talked to Curtis the night before, and he said he was coming to the house to pick up some money, then he was going over by the library but he'd be right back. But his father didn't come home that night and he didn't ever just not come home."

Gayden said the story Curtis Jr. told her also differs from the police account in that the three victims weren't marched from a nearby convenience store into Langdon Park, but from a neighborhood crack house near the old Langdon library—just a short walk from where the bodies were found.

"He said he was going to be over near the library," she told me. "They were over there getting high, and that's where those two boys came and got them. It was from out of that house."

Whoever made the initial discovery of the three bodies, Lakeeya and Curtis Jr.'s memories of that day had a lasting impact on them. It didn't take long for the murder to send the Pixley kids into a tailspin.

"We started taking drugs and stuff, marijuana, PCP, drinking," Lakeeya said. "We were children."

She added that she and her brothers went through some counseling over the years, that she was even diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder, but that therapy did little to diminish the waves of grief and rage they felt.

"From one traumatizing situation to another—I've been in several in my life, but the worst was what happened to my father," she said. "I felt like I was going to get high and get high and get high until I couldn't feel nothing no more, until I was numb or dead, and that's a road I was on since I was a little girl."

By the time he was 16, Curtis Jr. had already been involved in several robberies and car thefts in the Langdon area. Then, in the fall of 1995, he got hold of a gun, and over the course of three weeks went on a brutal tear that left one person dead and four more wounded. Prosecutors later called him a "sadist who went on this violent rampage for the thrill of inflicting pain on others." He was sentenced to the maximum term of 60 years to life for his crimes in 1996 and is currently in federal prison.

After years of drug use, Lakeeya's addiction caught up to her as well. In 2000, she was involved in a shooting incident with a co-worker that resulted in his paralysis. Lakeeya pleaded guilty to all charges and was given a sentence of 60 years in prison for attempted first-degree murder and a concurrent 20-year sentence for a handgun charge.

A photograph of Yolanda Gayden and Curtis Pixley's children dating back to the mid 1990s. Courtesy of Yolanda Gayden

Kelsey Pixley, the third of Curtis's and Gayden's children, is also in prison. In 2012, after several run-ins with the law for drugs, he was sentenced to a minimum of five years for assault on a police officer while armed.

Through tears, Lakeeya said that if there's anything she would share with Benito Valdez and Michael Green, the men accused of killing her father, it's what she lost when they took his life.

The case against Valdez and Green is still pending but is set for trial on June 26, 2017, in the Superior Court of the District of Columbia. They will be tried together and face maximum sentences of life in prison if convicted. For the sake of her children, Gayden hopes desperately for a conviction—one that will resonate even behind bars.

"It brings up a lot of memories from the past, but I guess that's the only way to get to the truth about what happened," she told me. "It's in God's hands, but at least justice is being served. Finally."

Donovan X. Ramsey is a multimedia journalist whose work puts an emphasis on race and class. He is currently a deputy editor at Complex and has written for outlets including the New York Times, the Atlantic, GQ, Gawker, and Ebony, among others. Follow him on Twitter.

When Sheep Roamed the Highways of Bucharest

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This article originally appeared on VICE Romania.

Like all socialist governments in the Soviet Union, the Romanian Communist regime had the ambition to humiliate the West in terms of industrialization. In order to achieve higher production numbers, the government regularly moved communities of farmers from rural areas—that were still pretty untouched by modernity—to Romania's capital Bucharest. There, these farmers lived in apartments and were forced to start a new career as factory workers. But they brought their rural traditions with them—people made soap out of animal fat outside between the high rises, kept livestock in their apartments, and cooked dinner in front of their building, like they had always done.

That was still the case after the fall of the regime in 1989, when photographer Vali Pană tried to capture that culture clash in his photography. This resulted in a series of images taken in the early 90s, showing a city just getting acquainted with the idea of being European, where no one's surprised if a carriage or a herd of sheep is blocking the busiest roads.


'The Witcher 2' Didn't Try to Offer Endless Freedom, and That's Why It Was So Good

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The Witcher 3's downloadable content is all here now, and with the release of a "Complete Edition" looming, I've spent the past couple months getting back in the swing of life in the Northern Kingdom by playing through all of the Witcher games in order. Along the way, I stumbled onto a pretty surprising realization: With its devotion to openness, The Witcher 3 lost some of the magic that made The Witcher 2 such a striking, memorable game.

The official website of The Witcher 3: The Wild Hunt sells the game as the ultimate fantasy of going where you want to and doing whatever you want. You "chart your own path to adventure" while you "set your own goals and choose your own destinations." It's a game that requires you to "make hard choices" in order to get to one of "multiple endings that result from choices you make throughout the game." The game is a platform for freedom.

The Witcher 2 , on the other hand, is a game that embraces the tight brutality of unfreedom. It shows what happens when people are caught making decisions they might not want to within circumstances they cannot control. In a world of games where you can do anything, it is a game that puts up blockers and blinders at every level. It tells you that you can't make choices, that you can't have freedom, and it demonstrates what happens when people are trapped.

The game hinges on a choice made a third of the way into the game. Geralt, the protagonist mutant monster hunter who deals with the political problems of humans, is presented with two factions vying for power in the Northern Kingdoms. Temeria is in shambles after the assassination of King Foltest. Geralt is the prime suspect. Those "in the know" recognize that some villain committed the deed, and there's a scramble to both prove Geralt's innocence and find the real killer.

Two possible paths diverge at the end of the first chapter. In one, Geralt can side with Vernon Roche and his Temerian Special Forces. Roche uses his cloak-and-dagger methods to put on of Foltest's children on the empty Temerian throne. The other path has Geralt siding with Iorveth and the Scoia'tael—a group fighting for the liberation and representation of nonhumans (elves, dwarves, and others) in the Northern Kingdoms. The game is explicit about what this choice means: Siding with Roche means that you align with an oppressive maneuverer of statecraft; siding with Iorveth means that you vouch for a domestic terrorist.

Neither choice feels "good." This is not a game of paragons and renegades or light and dark sides. The Witcher 2's choices are fundamentally about what feels possible in any given moment. Where Mass Effect defers to giving us the freedom to decide the fate of the galaxy or our friendships and Minecraft offers an endless array of moment-to-moment choice, The Witcher 2 is a political cage that imprisons almost every possible action in the game. The Witcher 2 shows that freedom is hard to come by. It shows us that we're all penned in.

When Geralt sighs because of the horror he witnesses daily, it's very easy to empathize with him.

Video games have been selling themselves based on choices for a long time. No Man's Sky hands you the reigns and lets you go hog wild across the universe. You make the story, or at least you make your own stories, and it is all given via the magic of player choice. Alpha Protocol tracks how much you piss off your allies and changes the game based on their reactions. The entire Fable series sold itself on the claim that everything you do, from eating food to kissing villagers, matters in some small way.

When we talk about choice, like having an absolutely huge number of options available to a player, we're almost always talking about freedom. If we're talking about linearity, the subtext is that we're talking about being trapped. Video game promotions love to talk about choice, and freedom, in terms of how long it takes you to get tired of doing whatever you want whenever you want.

On the surface, The Witcher 2 pretends to be exactly like that. It dresses up as your average action RPG about powerful people doing powerful things. But when you push it, you realize it's as much about boundaries as the small, tight indie treasures like Hotline Miami or Thirty Flights of Loving. And that's important because its laser focus on being trapped by choice shows that we're all as much caught in structure as Geralt. When Geralt sighs because of the horror he witnesses daily, it's very easy to empathize with him.

Structural racism sets bounds on who has access to that food, or healthcare, or clothing, or shelter. Global capitalism sets the bounds for what fresh food is or is not available to you at given times and dates. The management of our lives by international conglomerates or by governments forms a latticework of commitments, obligations, and pressures that are constantly tearing us apart. Freedom, the lack of being beholden to any of that, makes a lot of sense to me as something to fantasize about. But dwelling on it, and in it, is the thing that games are uniquely able to do. Games can show us those systems and their pressures.

What The Witcher 2 shows us is the upper Aedirn in revolt.

It is a small kingdom with a recently killed king. The peasants are tired of being ruled. The nonhuman inhabitants are openly rebelling against the racist policies of the human rulers. The nobles are leaderless. General Saskia appears and unites these disparate groups under the promise of a free state where some form of democracy might take hold. There's hope.

The effects of these choices are huge, not because of the great possibility they offer, but because of how they limit you.

If you follow Iorveth and go down the choice path of helping Saskia, Geralt takes part in events to secure independence for upper Aedirn. You rescue her from a coma. You help secure a battlefield. You solve remaining frictions between the nobles and the peasantry in anticipation of a new tomorrow.

Yet ultimately, these ground-level campaigns fail. Sorceresses and kings have other plans for the rich land of Aedirn, and Saskia is swept away as the region is absorbed by the greed of the surrounding kings. The commoner and the noble alike are merely pawns to be controlled. Their lives and their deaths are pieces to be moved on a map.

If you take Vernon Roche's path, you're put on another track entirely. Instead of the revolution, you end up at the beck and call of cruel King Henselt. Roche's path sees Geralt making Henselt's invading army more efficient. He entertains the soldiers in gladiatorial combat and roots out a force of traitors that is growing in the large military camp. Geralt becomes the hand of domination.

The effects of these choices are huge, not because of the great possibility they offer, but because of how they limit you. Choosing Iorveth or Roche means that you are fundamentally cut off from the political machinery of the "other side." The game's final chapter takes place at a political summit in an ancient city, and the events that occur there change the entire political landscape of the North.

If Geralt follows Vernon Roche, he can attempt to rescue the kingdom of Temeria by finding the rightful heir and preventing rival powers from absorbing the entire country into their borders. If he follows Iorveth, he abandons political intervention in order to cure the revolutionary leader Saskia of a curse and to strive for a new democratic nation to be formed. These options are vitally important for the structure of the world that you've been living in for 30-plus hours, but unless you have played both story portions you really don't understand the stakes of what is happening.

The Witcher 2 is a brave game. It is willing to block the player out of knowing things about the world and its characters in its dedication to showing how life is experienced by those characters. That might not seem like much, but the player backlash around Mass Effect 3 is still fresh. Players expect freedom, choice, and transparency around how they impact the game world. The idea that one could be siloed off from part of the game world and funneled into specific bundles of choices without any way of going back or learning about broader context is radical in the narrative-based blockbuster game genre. Dark Souls had to found its own school of contemporary game design to get around those expectations.

The reason that the gaming public reacted so positively to The Witcher 3's Bloody Baron quest is not that it was uniquely brilliant or genre-pushing. It was because it was a faint echo of something we would have seen in The Witcher 2: A flawed character putting Geralt in a bad place from which to make decisions. It was a quest about power and who gets to use it. It was a quest about who gets to tell who else what to do and on what terms. Spec Ops: The Line's finger-wagging is still held up as an example of how to deal with player fantasies of overcoming the world, but it is nothing compared to the political choice one has to make when choosing between rebels and their idealism or the state and its brutal, but safe, oppressive regime.

This is where The Witcher 3: The Wild Hunt failed me. It's a brilliant game, and I loved playing it, but it threw out all of the forced choice. It made Geralt of Rivia into the superhero who can solve anything and remain unhindered by any choice that he made. It turned Geralt into an action figure. It robbed him of having to deal with the everyday and the boring. We need games that help us understand the intersection between the ordinary and the oppressive. The Witcher 2 should be remembered as one of those games.

Follow Cameron Kunzelman on Twitter.

Read more video gaming articles on VICE, and follow VICE Gaming on Twitter.

How Do Gay Bears Deal with Having Sleep Apnea?

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Illustration by Stephanie Santillan

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The gay community is endlessly diverse—we come in all shapes, colors, forms, and especially sizes. There are lean, hairless twinks, large, hirsute bears, and everything in between (and beyond, in the case of the chub and superchub gay communities; the lines between them, and that which separates them from the bear community, can occasionally seem impossibly fuzzy to define.) But larger gay men sometimes carry baggage that others don't—not emotional baggage, though there's no fucking end of that. It's often physical, and it comes in the form of a CPAP (Continuous Positive Airway Pressure) machine, a mask connected via hose to a ventilator that forces you to breathe at night if you have a condition called sleep apnea.

It's well-known that being overweight can be bad for one's health, causing everything from Type 2 Diabetes to high blood pressure and cholesterol. It can also be the root of sleep apnea, which causes involuntary pauses in breathing while sleeping that last anywhere from ten seconds to several minutes. Sleep apnea is more prevalent among men than women, and of the approximately 3 to 7 percent of the afflicted adult population, the most common cause is being overweight or obese.

It's hard to quantify how many bears have sleep apnea, but Dr. Lawrence D Mass, a physician and co-founder of HIV/AIDS health services organization Gay Men's Health Crisis, has studied the connection. He himself identifies as a bear who suffers from the condition, and has praised the benefits of CPAP machines. "It's a common problem, primarily among those of us who are stocky, husky, chunky, burly, overweight, fat,—ie, bears," he wrote in an article for American Bear Magazine. "Start talking about it in any gathering of bears and you will quickly discover that you are not alone. If the bear next to you doesn't himself have it, he will know a bear who does." There are memes about it and blogs and forum discussions for bears with sleep apnea abound.

While less invasive devices are in the works, CPAP machines as designed today are jarring upon first sight ("It took me three years to look in the mirror with my mask on," one user told the Wall Street Journal). It stands to reason that their use might stand as an obstacle in one's sex life—or does it?

I reached out to my friend Rory, who exclusively sleeps with larger, burlier men. "I'm honestly surprised when I show up at a dude's hotel room, and there isn't a CPAP machine on this nightstand," he joked. As far as interference caused by a CPAP machine in sexual encounters, he stressed that "they don't wear them while they're fucking, you idiot." They produce a sound similar to white noise, and Rory claims they have aided his own sleep. When asked about awkwardness or embarrassment they may cause, he said that "I would imagine if anyone was embarrassed about it, they wouldn't leave them out with all the tubes all over the place when their fuck shows up. There have probably been way more than I know about—they just put their CPAP machines in a drawer."

I myself remember my first encounter with a CPAP machine-using bear as if it were yesterday. Days after moving to Los Angeles, in the summer of 2010, I arranged for a late-night play date with a West Hollywood bear. When we transitioned to post-sex bedtime and spooning, I vaguely recall a murmur of "I sleep with this" before passing out. It wasn't until the next morning that I realized something was wrong as I woke up, looked to my right, and screamed. What happened to this man?! Is he in a coma? And WHAT is his name?! After learning the mask strapped to his face was to help him not die in his sleep, I was relieved... and embarrassed, to boot.

To learn more about living with sleep apnea while gay, I reopened my trusty old Bear411 account—a bear dating website—to bring the discussion to the masses.

I noted that I was looking for "chat" on my profile and stated I was researching bears who use CPAP machines. Within 24 hours, I received more than 150 messages—some more graphic than others, and many with no mention of CPAP or sleep apnea, but those are stories for a different day. I also had genuine conversations with everyone from slightly overweight cubs to rotund daddy bears on the condition and how they manage CPAP machines in their sex lives.

"When I was dating a guy and would stay overnight, I would bring with me," said Joe, a bear from Ohio who has been using his CPAP machine for more than ten years. "You can go out and spend the night without it, but you won't sleep nearly as well as you would while wearing it."

John, a bear from Worcester, MA, told me he wasn't aware he suffered from sleep apnea until his then boyfriend confronted him. "He would complain that I would snore so bad I sounded like a broken muffler gasping for air," he said. "Once I received my machine, life was better."

CPAP machines can be expensive, depending on one's insurance provider—machines cost on average between $500 and $4,000 before insurance coverage, deductibles or co-pays—and some bears I spoke with expressed disappointment in their experiences with the devices. Paul, a bear from Pittsburgh, has had a hard time adjusting to its use, and even more frustration being open about it with potential partners. "It's not a sexy aspect for someone who already feels like an outsider in the gay community," he said. "The condition itself has definitely put a cramp on my social life."

While some CPAP users haven't experienced the same results using the machines as others, it's important to address symptoms with a medical professional to find the best treatment for you or your partner. Sleep apnea can lead to depression, fatal car accidents, heart disease, and hypertension. Dealing with a few hoses strapped to one's face and the gentle sounds of a ventilator is definitely more appealing than the potential consequences of ignoring the condition. I, as do many others, love my bears—and want them to sleep easy, so they can maul me in bed as often as possible.

Follow David Dancer on Twitter.

Province-Wide Warning About Bootleg Fentanyl in Recreational Drugs Issued in Ontario

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A crushed-up counterfeit OxyContin pill containing fentanyl (still via 'DOPESICK')

A province-wide warning has been issued heralding that the deadly opioid fentanyl is increasingly entering recreational drug supplies in Ontario. A bootleg version of fentanyl, a drug that is more potent than heroin and carries a high risk of overdose, has been found in fake prescription pills such as OxyContin and Percocet in the province, as well as in substances like cocaine, MDMA, meth, and heroin.

The advisory released August 29 by the Ontario Association of Chiefs of Police, The Waterloo Region Crime Prevention Council, and other groups warns that no "conventional field tests" exist for fentanyl and that it cannot be detected by "sight, smell, or taste."

The warning makes it clear: Using recreational drugs in Ontario is becoming more and more dangerous. Even if you aren't knowingly using opioids, if you use drugs in Ontario, you are now at risk of an opioid overdose.

"We know enough now to know bootleg fentanyl is here and very much has the potential for adding a whole new level of urgency to Ontario's existing opioid crisis," Michael Parkinson, community engagement coordinator at Waterloo Region Crime Prevention Council, told VICE. "This could make an already bad situation worse."

According to Parkinson, the list of substances and fake prescription pills tainted with bootleg fentanyl even goes beyond what was listed in the advisory, including counterfeit Xanax.

On the western side of Canada, the opioid overdose crisis continues to claim lives daily. Between 2011 and 2015, largely due to the rise of bootleg fentanyl, overdose fatalities went up 4,500 percent in Alberta. In BC, a public health emergency has been officially declared, overdoses went up 74 percent within a year, and it's been found that much of the heroin supply has been taken over by fentanyl in Vancouver.

READ MORE: How Ontario's Opioid Overdose Strategy Is Failing Drug Users

In Ontario, it's unclear just how many opioid-related overdoses have occurred in the past couple of years because of a lack of released data by the province. However, according to the Ontario advisory, in 2014, a person died of an opioid-related overdose every 13 hours—a statistic that is worse than that for deaths on Ontario's roadways. Of those overdose deaths, 174 were due to fentanyl, an increase of 28 percent from the year before. To date, fentanyl is killing more Ontarians than any other opioid.

"We know bootleg fentanyl has arrived in Ontario and seizures by law enforcement and alerts by communities point to a growing concern of the same crisis that has unfolded in western provinces and all states bordering Ontario," Parkinson said. "Ontario is not on an island... It would be foolish to think we won't be affected by the same crisis unfolding elsewhere."

Follow Allison Tierney on Twitter.

We Watched CBC’s “Edgy” New Show So You Never Have To

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These fucking people, honestly. Photo via CBC.

I want to set the record straight before we get into the details of the actual show. No one wants a funny, smart, relevant show that reflects contemporary Canadian life more than us. Canadians are uniquely clever and dark and hilarious so where is our Friends, or Seinfeld or better yet, Happy Endings? Why do we keep picking through the same tired garbage heap of ideas for our programming? I've seen Anne of Green Gables, ok? I get it. Enough already. So again, let me preface all of this with, I wanted CBC's new "edgy" comedy, Four in the Morning to be good. The premise is certainly promising—each episode is a snapshot of the lives of a group of friends at four in the morning when truths are revealed and anything can happen. But the reality? Well, here's what happened when Justin Ling and I sat down to watch the pilot on Sunday. Which was mistake number one because it actually premiered on Friday night at 9 PM, not exactly peak millennial TV watching hours.

Amil: Maybe it's less bad when you watch it again?

Justin: What was the point of this episode?

Amil: For a pilot this is unfathomably bad.

Justin: They said "fuck" exactly once. To be just edgy enough.

Justin: I love you for trying, CBC. But I hate you for failing. Hire producers.

Amil: I can't believe I'm going to say this, but this show should consider hiring a millennial consultant to help them with the very big problem of not knowing what the fuck young people actually say or do. PS: I'm available.

Justin: I'm cheaper.

Follow Amil and Justin on Twitter.



The VICE Guide to Right Now: Huma Abedin Is Leaving Anthony Weiner Following His Latest Sexting Scandal

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Photo via Center for American Progress Action Fund Flickr account

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After news that Anthony Weiner has once again been caught in an extramarital sexting scandal, his wife and top Clinton aide Huma Abedin has announced she will be separating from him. Abedin made the announcement in a statement Monday.

"After long and painful consideration and work on my marriage, I have made the decision to separate from my husband," the statement reads. "Anthony and I remain devoted to doing what is best for our son, who is the light of our life. During this difficult time, I ask for respect for our privacy."

Her statement comes a day after the New York Post released photos and texts between Weiner and an anonymous woman, which included sexually suggestive pictures and text messages. In one exchange, Weiner took a photo of himself in his boxers next to his and Abedin's toddler son, writing, "Someone just climbed into my bed." According to the Post, Weiner had been texting the woman from late January 2015 up until earlier this month.

The former New York congressman has repeatedly made headlines for his sexting scandals, having first been disgraced after accidentally publicly tweeting an explicit photo intended for another woman, leading to his resignation from Congress in 2011. He then was caught sexting three other women under the name "Carlos Danger," tanking his New York mayoral run in 2013, which was also chronicled in the documentary Weiner.

According to Politico, Abedin's marriage has served as fuel for Donald Trump, who has suggested that her marriage to Weiner could compromise national security.

"I don't like Huma going home at night and telling Anthony Weiner all of these secrets," the Republican nominee said at a campaign event in July, after calling Weiner a "sleazebag and a pervert."

Read: Netiquette 101: How to Be a Politician on Twitter

Why the Ashes of AIDS Victims on the White House Lawn Matter

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ACT UP protestors at the Ashes Action in 1992. Photo by Saskia Scheffer

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Nearly twenty years ago, on October 13, 1996, David Reid marched with three hundred AIDS activists from the Capitol Building to the White House lawn, where he helped scatter the ashes of his friend, Connie Norman. Connie, a radio host and member of the LA branch of the AIDS activist group ACT UP (the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power), had died earlier that year. She had been, to use ACT UP's words, "murdered by AIDS and killed by government neglect." But if the government was able to neglect people with AIDS in life (through their silence and laughter, refusal to pass the AIDS Cure Act, inaction on drug profiteering, and unwillingness to establish a federal needle exchange program), protesters would force them to acknowledge the unvarnished reality of their deaths.

"The government had ignored their funerals," Reid told VICE. The Ashes Actions at the White House made that impossible. "If you won't come to the funeral," he said, "we'll bring the funeral to you."

Four years earlier, on October 11, 1992, ACT UP, which had previously disrupted the FDA and the New York Stock Exchange, first marched to the White House fence to scatter the ashes of their loved ones. The first action was inspired by David Robinson, who originally planned to send the ashes of his partner, Warren, to President George HW Bush. But when he mentioned his plans to ACT UP New York, they decided instead to fulfill Warren's wish to use his body in death as he used it in life—to protest the policies that killed him and his friends. "He had said, as he was getting sicker, that I should do some kind of political funeral with his body," Robinson said.

Robinson, as many other activists, had been inspired by David Wojnarowicz's 1991 memoir Close to the Knives, which imagined "what it would be like if, each time a lover, friend or stranger died of this disease, their friends, lovers or neighbors would take the dead body and drive with it in a car a hundred miles an hour to Washington DC and blast through the gates of the White House and come to a screeching halt before the entrance and dump their lifeless form on the front steps." (Wojnarowicz's own ashes were scattered on the White House lawn during the 1996 Ashes Action.) They were also inspired by the political funerals of the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa, in which murdered activists were given mass burials.

ACT UP put out a national call for anyone with ashes of AIDS victims to join them. Theatrics and props, such as empty coffins and tombstones, had been weapons of choice in the group's protests before—they rapidly communicated messages and were media magnets. But this action would be different. "We weren't going to do anything symbolic," Robinson told VICE. "The point was these are the actual ashes. This is the literal physical result of the Bush administration's AIDS policies."

It was a logical if painful next step to bring the real bodies of those who died from AIDS to the politicians who could have fought to save them but didn't. "It was just a process of escalating our rage," Eric Sawyer, a founding member of ACT UP and the civil society partnerships advisor for UNAIDS, told VICE. "Carrying a wooden coffin in the streets doesn't seem to be getting your attention. How about we dump ashes and bone fragments from our friends who died of AIDS on your lawn? How about we literally carry our dead bodies that you condemned to death to your door? Will that get your attention? Part of it was a warning: We will literally start dumping our dead on your doorsteps unless you get your fucking act together."

Both Ashes Actions were timed for maximum attention—they were held during displays of the AIDS Memorial Quilt and before presidential elections. Though the quilt was deeply meaningful, some activists took issue with it, given its aesthetic beauty. "This is a way of showing there is nothing beautiful about it—this is what I'm left with, a box full of ashes and bone chips," Robinson said before the action.

But to get to the White House fence, they needed to cross a line of police officers. "We didn't want to show up sneakily," Shane Butler, a main organizer of the 1992 action and currently the chair of the department of classics at Johns Hopkins University, told VICE. "We wanted to march."

ACT UP Protestors at the Ashes Action in 1992. Photo by Saskia Scheffer

They had drums play a funeral cadence. They chanted—Bringing our dead to your door / We won't take it anymore and Out of the quilt and into the streets / Join us, join us. Unlike other protests, the Ashes Actions were not only meant to shock an uninterested public into empathy—they were meant as releases of grief for the activists themselves. "There was lots of room to scream and yell," Butler said, "but it wasn't always conducive to the work of mourning. I knew none of the people whose ashes we were carrying, but I remember when the ashes went over the fence of the White House. I just don't remember convulsive grief like the grief I felt in that moment."

Recently, footage of the Ashes Action was featured in the documentaries How to Survive a Plague (2012) and United in Anger (2012). Yet the White House itself has yet to establish an official commemoration, such as a plaque, even though the White House lawn is the gravesite of at least eighteen members and loved ones of ACT UP, the group directly responsible for speeding up the approval process of new drugs, forcing companies to slash the prices of old drugs, and saving countless lives. In 2013, Garance Franke-Ruta, a former member of ACT UP, suggested that there should be a plaque. Officials in the White House's Office of National AIDS Policy did not respond to multiple requests for comment about whether they planned to officially commemorate the action.

But there certainly should be a sign there, one honoring the dead who helped change forever how the nation's most powerful institutions operate. "We were furious, the world was against us," Butler said, "but we thought we could make a difference and save ourselves and our friends."

Jason Silverstein is a lecturer and writer-in-residence in the department of global health and social medicine at Harvard Medical School. Follow him on Twitter.

Chinese TV Star Accuses Canadian Tourism Officials of Trying to Censor Show About First Nations

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Photo via Justin Trudeau/Facebook

As Justin Trudeau heads to China for what he hopes will be a reboot of Canadian-Chinese relations, accusations of censorship in both countries are putting a dark cloud over the visit.

Over the weekend, a Chinese television star accused Canadian tourism officials of quashing an episode of his online show Xiaosong Qi Tan that featured an interview with a First Nations chief and touched on Indigenous rights.

Gao Xiaosong took to Weibo, a popular Chinese social media site, to express his anger, telling his 38 million followers that Destination Canada employees had threatened to use "legal, diplomatic and political means" to stop the show, which was set to air last Friday. (It never did.) He also posted emails he says are between him and Destination Canada, although their authenticity hasn't been verified.

Destination Canada—a crown corporation formerly known as the Canadian Tourism Commission—had a four-episode partnership with the program.

Xiaosong, who is also a well-known music producer and songwriter in China, says that Destination Canada demanded the "removal of all content about First Nations human rights." He added that the whole situation was "too bizarre" and vowed to make the episode public regardless, but didn't say how or when.

"We insist on playing this episode's content, primarily because we were deeply touched by the words from the tribal leader," Xiaosong wrote. It's unclear which chief was interviewed. Xiaosong did not immediately reply to a request for comment.

A spokesperson for Destination Canada wouldn't respond to questions from VICE News on Monday, but said in an emailed statement that "Destination Canada can suggest changes to the videos that are produced, and these suggestions were accepted by the production company."

The group's managing director for China told the Globe and Mail earlier that after watching several episodes, they made some suggestions for "some changes we'd like to see made" and that the partnership was "trying to promote tourism in Canada, so we want all of the programs to be a bit tourism focused."

Other episodes of the show that focused on Canada include Xiaosong speaking with Vancouver mayor Gregor Robertson about the film industry there, and visiting Niagara Falls.

Mark Rowswell, a Canadian performer known in China as "Dashan," has been tweeting about the incident, which he says looks more like a business dispute than anything malicious.

The timing of Xiaosong's accusations is notable, just before Trudeau is set to take meetings with his counterpart in China on Tuesday. Trudeau is under pressure to call the Chinese government out on its record of human rights abuses, specifically government-sponsored torture and illegal detention. Canada's foreign minister, Stephane Dion, has said that pursuing a closer economic relationship with China would allow Canada to promote respect for freedom and human rights there.

Tensions on the matter boiled over in June when China's foreign minister was visiting Ottawa and lashed out at an iPolitics reporter who asked Dion about China's human rights record.

The Chinese minister interjected and said the question was "full of prejudice against China and arrogance."

"I don't know where that comes from," he continued. "This is totally unacceptable."

Recently, China's reach into Canadian politics and media have made headlines. Last year, the Globe and Mail found that Canada's domestic spy agency, the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, was concerned that Michael Chan, a Chinese-Canadian who serves as Ontario's minister of immigration and international trade, had gotten too cozy with China's consulate in Toronto. Chan is now suing the Globe for defamation.

The New York Times recently examined how many Chinese-Canadian activists and reporters are concerned that China's growing economic influence in Canada has threatened their freedom to openly criticize the authoritarian regime.

One editor of a Chinese-language newspaper said she had been fired for publishing a piece that received complaints from the Chinese consulate in Toronto. And another publisher of a Chinese newspaper said the consul general asked his publication to stop including advertisements from Falun Gong, a religious sect banned in China that accuses the government of murdering and torturing its adherents.

Follow Rachel Browne on Twitter.


Patrick Brown Has Everyone Upset About Ontario’s Sex Ed Program Again

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Photo via Twitter/Patrick Brown

One week away from the start of a new school year, and tension has once again flared up around Ontario's sex-ed curriculum.

The new curriculum, which took effect last September, prompted large protests from angry parents last year, hundreds of whom pulled their children from class in opposition.

Now, the dispute has moved back into the political arena, after Progressive Conservative Leader Patrick Brown announced, in a letter distributed in a Toronto riding ahead of a byelection, that if elected, his government would scrap the changes implemented by the Liberals and "develop a new curriculum after thoughtful and full consultation with parents."

Liberal Premier Kathleen Wynne, in an interview with CBC News, called that promise "very, very dangerous."

The new sex-ed curriculum, introduced in the 2015-2016 school year by Wynne's Liberal Party of Ontario, included several changes such as calling body parts by their actual names as early as Grade 1, discussing gender identity and masturbation in Grade 6, and, in Grade 7, teaching how to avoid sexually transmitted infections and pregnancy.

This was the first change to the province's sex-ed curriculum since 1998, meaning it was the oldest in the country prior to the revisions. Experts have said these changes now make the province's curriculum the most progressive in Canada.

The PCs opposed the curriculum, initially announced in February 2015, which also saw persistent condemnation from anti-abortion groups, and religious organizations.

In June, Brown said he wouldn't repeal the curriculum if elected, but would instead push for an update.

READ MORE: We Spoke to the Leader of Ontario's Conservative Party to Talk Pride, Abortion Access, and Sex Ed

The letter distributed by Brown didn't note what exactly to change about the legislation. Instead, Brown wrote, "I believe sex-ed is important, but it cannot be significantly changed without extensively consulting the primary educators of children, who have always been parents."

On Saturday, speaking with CBC News, Brown backtracked, saying the letter was just intended for use in the by-election. Instead, he says he is committed to "making sure that in the next curriculum, that we would engage parents and that parents would be given a voice."

Wynne, however, says this has already happened.

"It's been consulted on with parents, with educators, with social workers, police, health care workers—it's a very important development," she said.

The legislation may have been responsible for hundreds of parents deciding to pull their children from public schools thus far.

The Toronto District School Board predicted that enrollment for the 2015-2016 school year would increase by around 300 students; instead, it dropped by 2083 students, spokesperson Ryan Bird told CBC News in May.

This means the prediction was off by 1.4 percent, an unusually high number for the school board with over 250,000 students. The schools with the greatest rate of absences were located in areas with especially vocal opposition to the plan.

In May, Gerri Geron, a trustee for one of the TDSB's wards, told Metro Morning, "we don't know exactly why the drop has occurred," as the school board doesn't track reasons for students pulling out.

Bird told VICE News, however, that numbers at schools most heavily affected have since largely returned to normal, though he was unable to provide any concrete numbers.

Past protests against the curriculum have enjoyed widespread support. A call for a week-long student strike against schools in May 2015 saw thousands fail to show up for class, with one school reporting that nearly 90 percent of its students were absent. The absence rate for the overall TDSB attendance rose by 144 percent from the week prior.

In September 2015, only half of nearly 1500 students at Thorncliffe Park Public School, located in one of the most diverse neighborhoods in Toronto, attended class on the first day of the year.

Protests have since died down, but they may start anew with the approaching school year.

The Campaign Life Coalition, a national pro-life organization, is holding a protest against the curriculum on September 21, with a poster claiming it is "age-inappropriate, too explicit and sexualizes children as young as six."

Follow Davide Mastracci on Twitter.

The VICE Guide to Right Now: Why Are Canadians Being Banned from the US for Admitting They’ve Smoked Weed?

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Photo by Flickr user Chuck Grimmett

Here's a Canadian public service announcement: don't ever tell a United States border guard you've smoked pot before. It doesn't matter if the last time you got stoned was hours ago or that one time in the ravine behind your high school—keep that shit to yourself.

Seems like obvious advice, sure. But for Vancouver music writer Alan Ranta, who was crossing from British Columbia into weed-friendly Washington State for a music festival a few weeks ago, he never thought such a harmless admission could get him banned from the US for life.

"We had nothing on us, but they did find a small purse that said 'weed money' on it," Ranta told VICE. "Ironically it never had weed or money in it."

After an intense search—Ranta guesses the guard didn't like the look of their "colourful camping gear"—he says he was handcuffed and pulled into a tiny interrogation room with a bench and a toilet. Then the guard started asking about his weed habits.

"I thought, Trudeau has said it's going to be legal in a year, and the state I'm going to has had it legal for three years—it didn't seem like that big of a deal," said Ranta.

Turns out, that's admitting to violating the Controlled Substances Act (weed is still Schedule I controlled substance federally) and immigration experts say admission is counted the same as a conviction. Who knew telling the US border you've sparked a joint is a lot like telling them you're an arsonist.

Read More: If Trudeau is About to Legalize Weed, Then Why Are We Still Imprisoning People Over It?

Ranta is now barred from entering the US, at least until he completes a lengthy, $589 waiver process, and even then he will forever be flagged as a criminal. "I'm stuck with this for life now," he told VICE. "The gravity of the situation didn't really sink in until after."

Lawyer Len Saunders has seen dozens of these cases over the last few years, all across the Canada-Washington border. Like Ranta, these Canadians are often held in an interrogation room for several hours, and asked to answer questions about their weed habits under oath. "I'm Canadian myself, and I try to warn Canadians that if you do this... if you admit at the port of entry, you're setting yourself up for a lifetime bar."

"What's shitty is it's almost like entrapment—you don't need to admit it. You're under no obligation to answer that question," Saunders told VICE. "Clients call me, they say they had to tell the truth, I couldn't lie. What I'll say is, change the question: what if they asked about your sex life? Would you be so forthcoming?"

Ranta says if he could go back, he would have said no or refused to answer. You can always "revoke your entry application" and try again later, he says. His decision to tell the truth in a "high stress situation" will haunt him for a long time coming. "It's pretty devastating. My family's had a cottage in Point Roberts, Washington for about 50 years, which is a place I feel connected to my dad who passed away 10 years ago. I try to go several times a summer if I can," he said. "I've also covered Sasquatch Festival for the last six years."

What's worse, this kind of dick move could become even more common once Canada legalizes weed, potentially as early as spring 2017. "If Canada legalizes, it's going to make it even worse—more are going to posses it and admit to smoking it," Saunders told VICE. "Some people say I'm fear mongering—I'm not. I'm saying watch out, it can cause you massive future entry issues."

Saunders says it could take the United States' legalization movement a decade or more to catch up. "I believe personally that the federal government is just going to be forced ," he said.

Follow Sarah Berman on Twitter.


The VICE Guide to Right Now: Stop Defining Notting Hill Carnival By Its Drug Arrests

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Notting Hill Carnival 10 years ago. Photo by David Iliff (via)

Another year passes and Notting Hill Carnival, the capital's largest open-air festival, comes and goes. Cans of Red Stripe and empty jerk chicken and curry goat receptacles are cleaned up as west London takes stock of the last two days of partying.

READ: Photos of the Beautiful People of Notting Hill Carnival

As ever, there was a bit of trouble: 440 people were arrested; 156 on Sunday and 256 on Monday. There were also five stabbing incidents, with one involving two teenagers aged 14 and 15. When the arrest statistics for Carnival are released each year and contain reports of stabbings, it's important to remember that the majority of the arrests are drug-related, and that those arrested make up less than 0.05 per cent of the one million annual Carnival-goers.

But as we know, a blind eye is no longer being turned towards the humble laughing gas salesman, whose trade is now prohibited. The Met Police enjoy making a song and dance about seizing the essentially harmless breathable narcotic. Their website claims that they seized "150 canisters" at the carnival and that they "have a street value of over £2,000" which, if you've ever bought a balloon outside a club or know how much anything costs or you're not a moron, you'll know is flagrantly inaccurate.


Image via Met Police Twitter.

They also managed to seize about 100 cans of Stella from some budding entrepreneurs illegally selling alcohol without a license. What is this, 1920s America? Am I going to have to go to a basement in Ladbroke Grove to get served a bottle of Peroni Nastro Azzurro in a teacup by a delightfully plump flapper girl called Mavis? Sounds pretty nice actually, well up for that. Either way, well done lads, you stole a bin of lager from some poor bloke trying to make a couple of hundred quid, probably to spend down the pub anyway. Nice one.

Earlier this year, Conservative MP for Kensington and Chelsea Victoria Borwick conducted a survey of her constituents. Those who responded wanted the festival to be confined to one day, and be held exclusively in Wormwood Scrub park, which defeats the point of it being a carnival with colourful floats and a procession.

As London continues to mutate into a place where Caribbean culture is no longer welcome, it's no surprise that this aspect of the event that seems to be more and more bypassed every year in favour of arbitrary numbers of weed dealer arrests.

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Stories from People Who Got Extremely Drunk and Woke Up in Foreign Countries

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Some British guys in Magaluf, one of whom is probably very drunk (Photo: Jamie Lee Curties Taete)

People have always woken up in strange places after nights out. Twenty years ago, that strange place might have been "Scarborough", or "fully inside a bin". Now, thanks to cheap air fares and the ease with which we can book flights through our phones, those strange places are increasingly becoming "Reykjavik", or "a foreign country I didn't actually know I was in until Snapchat geo-filtered my selfie".

It seems that every couple of months there's a report of a young man who's gone out for a quiet drink, ended up shitfaced and then boarded a plane to another country. They'll wake up the following morning and post what they've done to Twitter or Facebook. A tabloid will pick it up, the LADBible will give him their seal of approval ("Lad gets munted and wakes up in SALZBURG") and the story will disappear, making way for another extremely similar one a month or so later.

Is this an identifiable trend? Should it be given a proper name, like "planeover" or "Divine Punishment"? Hard to say. But to illustrate just how common it is, I got in touch with four of the many guys who've experienced it (to varying degrees: some woke up in other countries; some in micro-states and on other islands) to find out how they ended up where they ended up.

"HOW BAD CAN IT REALLY BE?"

One night, my friend and I decided to do a bar crawl in Chelmsford. After many drinks, I'd lost my friend and was watching the X30 bus roll past. The bus takes you directly to Stansted Airport for just over £10. At the time, I thought it would be a good idea to book a last minute flight through my phone and hope to end up somewhere less grotty, cold and rainy as Chelmsford. That could be any number of places, but the destination I settled on was Barcelona.

After boarding my flight, falling asleep and waking up, I suddenly realised the severity and seriousness of the decision I had made. All I had on me was an empty bottle of water, the clothes on my back, a wallet and a phone.

I got off the plane smelling of Jägerbombs and Joop! Homme aftershave from the previous night, and called my parents. My dad advised me to spend a few days there, so I booked a return flight for three nights later and spent the following days exploring Barcelona, speaking to people and enjoying the weather and the food. I'd then go back to my hotel after dinner to wash my clothes in the shower, as I had no spares.

In general, my trip taught me to enjoy my own company and not worry about what others think. After all, if it doesn't kill you or put you in prison, how bad can it really be? That's my new motto.

– Alex, from England


SHOELESS ESCAPE

It started in a small French port in the town of Beaulieu-sur-Mer. Myself and two co-workers had knocked off work on a Friday afternoon and gone straight to the beach, via Carrefour supermarket to pick up a slab of beers. I can remember our whole time at the beach and even packing up the towels and putting our rubbish in the bin. We had spoken about going to Monaco for a night out at this club we'd heard of, La Rascasse, but I doubted that it was ever going to happen because we were way too pissed to make our way there.

So that's when I seriously lost track of what happened.

Having lost six or so hours, I woke up in a hospital at the top of a huge cliff overlooking the Port of Monaco. The nurses told me that the police had dropped me off, and I insisted that I should leave the hospital because I had to be back at work by 8AM. I remember trying to leave and the nurses threatened to call the police, saying I wasn't sober enough to get back to France.

I was pretty much fine, except for scuffed knees and a massive bump on my forehead. My clothes were in a plastic bag on the floor – god knows where my shoes were – so once the nurses left I got dressed, climbed out the window and ran confused and shoeless downhill in search of a train station. When I got to the main street a girl I knew from work yelled at me from across the street. It was about 6AM; she'd been out all night and said that she saw me at La Rascasse. She asked if I was OK and pointed me towards the station, but also took a photo of me and found it hilarious that there was still a drip hanging out of my arm. I ended up making it to work on time.

Sam, from Australia


AN EXTREMELY TERRIBLE IDEA

Tom and his friend, Daniel, and the Tasmanian wilderness behind them (Photo of the Tasmanian wilderness by Jörn Brauns, via)

I was about 17 and out with my best pal, Daniel. We were pretty slaughtered at this point, and most of my friends had done the responsible thing and headed home. We used to catch the NightRider bus back home in those days, and when it got to that point someone brought up the idea of getting the next flight out of Melbourne. So instead of going home, we got on the bus to the airport. Next thing we knew we'd arrived on the freezing cold island of Tasmania.

With the very minimal amount of money we had left over we bought some novelty hats, went to a golf course and hired a golf buggy, leaving us with less than $10 (£5) for food. We didn't even play a hole of golf; we just cruised around discussing what a couple of idiots we were.

We flew back completely exhausted and dehydrated. I don't think I've ever regretted something so much in my life.

Tom, from Australia


STAG-DO SURPRISE

Jordan on the stag-do, before falling asleep and ending up in Zurich

I was at my brother-in-law's stag weekend in Munich. We all decided to chip in €20 (£17) to a kitty for the night, and the hotel gave us a wristband with its details on it, which meant I didn't need to be responsible for my phone or wallet, so I left them behind. After many drinks I'd lost my crew, so I jumped in a cab and showed the driver my wrist, which no longer had a wristband on it. I dribbled some nonsense and he kicked me out.

After another 20 minutes of trying numerous cabs to no avail, I tried my luck with the driver of a nearby coach that was being boarded. I begged him to let me on, hoping there was a chance it would go past the hotel I couldn't remember the name or address of – but he said no. So I walked around the coach, and when the driver had his back to me I dived into the luggage hold and hid behind a suitcase until the door was shut.

When the luggage door eventually opened five hours later, I jumped out and ran around in circles, trying to get my bearings. I noticed signs for "Zurich", which I thought must be a town in Germany, until I noticed the flags of Switzerland. After walking around for an hour or so, I decided to go to the police. I told a policeman the story, he turned to his Swiss colleagues, told the story in French, and the entire police station was in fits of laughter. He gave me some sandwiches, cigarettes and a letter to give to the ticket inspector. When I got to Munich I had no phone, no money and no clue where I was, so I walked around for hours until I noticed the train station we'd got off at when we arrived, the club where we started and finally the fucking hotel.

Jordan, from England

@hamsoward

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The Long Search for the Missing Child Brides of a Mormon Polygamist Sect

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Brandon S Blackmore listened carefully. He had to hear past the hissing sound in the recording, and the panting. One voice on the recording was unmistakable, though—the soft, monotone tenor of Warren Jeffs, the deranged leader of North America's largest polygamist sect.

Just a year earlier, Brandon had been a member of Jeffs's flock, a Mormon splinter group known as the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (FLDS). Jeffs—whose followers believe he is a prophet and the voice of God—even officiated Brandon's 2004 wedding, near the FLDS headquarters in Colorado City, Arizona. As Brandon would later learn, just a few minutes before that ceremony, the FLDS leader had also been married, taking Brandon's 13-year-old half-sister, Millie Blackmore, as one of his plural wives. Jeffs was 48 years old at the time.

Now it was August 2013. Jeffs was in prison, serving a life sentence on multiple counts of child rape, and two investigators from the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) had asked Brandon to listen to a recording of the FLDS leader having sex. They wanted to know if he heard Millie on the tape. Though her name was never said aloud, Brandon could tell by the voice that the woman Jeffs was having sex with was his half-sister. Yes, he told the investigators. It was Millie.

"He was asking her how it felt and a bunch of weird things," Brandon told VICE in a recent interview. He said the investigators told him the tape was made sometime around 2004 or 2005 at a motel in New Mexico. Brandon declined to elaborate further on what else he heard on the recording, the existence of which has not been previously reported.

The RCMP wanted confirmation of Millie's voice as part of a case they were building against Millie's parents, Brandon J Blackmore and his wife, Emily Gail Crossfield Blackmore, whom Canadian authorities claim took their pre-teen daughter across the border to marry Jeffs in Colorado City in 2004. In 2014—the year after the Mounties asked Brandon to listen to the recording— the couple was charged with one count each of removing a child from Canada for the purposes of sex.

The prosecutions are believed to be the first time parents have been held criminally responsible for the 1,100-mile child-bride pipeline that FLDS members ran for decades between the Canadian polygamist enclave in Bountiful, British Columbia, and the sect's headquarters in the twin towns of Colorado City, Arizona and Hildale, Utah, collectively known as Short Creek.

According to a 2011 count from Stop Polygamy in Canada, an anti-polygamy nonprofit based in Alberta, Canada, at least 50 Canadian girls between the ages of 12 to 17 were married to FLDS men in the United States between 1990 and 2006, when Jeffs was arrested in the US on sex-crimes charges.

Young girls in the polygamous enclave of Bountiful, British Columbia. All photos by Jackie Dives unless otherwise noted

In 2014, at the same time charges were filed against Millie's parents, Canadian authorities also charged two former FLDS bishops from British Columbia, Winston Blackmore and Jim Oler, with polygamy. The cases against the four Canadian FLDS members are still pending.

Since his arrest, Jeffs has halted all marriages among the FLDS, and it is not clear if his followers have continued the cross-border transport of child brides. But recent interviews conducted by VICE revealed that Canadian law enforcement have continued to question FLDS defectors in the US and Canada in an attempt to learn more about how the sect's bride pipeline worked and whether there is evidence to charge anyone else with a crime.

As recently as last fall, investigators with the RCMP had traveled to the US to speak with relatives and former associates of Jeffs. And law enforcement in both the US and Canada are monitoring the border for signs of human trafficking or other crimes committed by members of the sect, according to interviews and documents obtained by VICE.

In an interview, RCMP sergeant Terry Jacklin, a Mountie in southeastern British Columbia who has been on the trail of the Canadian FLDS polygamists since 2011, confirmed that his agency continues to investigate the sect's marriages, and that more criminal charges may be filed against FLDS members in Canada. Although he would not provide details about the investigation, Jacklin told VICE that the RCMP is working with law enforcement in the US, and that he and his partner may travel to Utah again "within the next couple of months."

The Mounties are also trying to find Millie and two other Canadian women, Alyshia Rae Blackmore and Nolita Colleen Blackmore, both of whom were married to Jeffs at the age of 12. The three brides, all of whom would now be in their early to mid 20s, are thought to still be loyal to Jeffs. They're presumed to be living on one of the FLDS compounds in the American West, or at secret locations known among members as "Houses of Hiding," where FLDS followers have been hiding out, waiting for God to free Jeffs from his prison cell in Texas.

***

Though the current charges against the Canadian polygamists weren't filed until 2014, the case actually begins more than a decade earlier, in Short Creek. By that point, Jeffs—who took control of the FLDS church after the death of his father, Rulon Jeffs, in 2002—was already accumulating wives, including one of Millie's sisters, Annie Mae Blackmore.

In 2004, Jeffs sent word to the girl's father, Brandon J Blackmore, that he wanted to marry Millie as well, and asked that the teenager be brought to Colorado City from her home in Bountiful, BC. A journal entry dated March 1, 2004, dictated by Jeffs to one of his wives and later seized by US authorities in Texas, describes what happened next:

"I sat down with Brandon Blackmore and his wife and his daughter, gave a training on the redemption of Zion in brief, in summary, and this girl was called on a mission, and they received it joyfully," the entry reads. "And there Mildred Marlene Blackmore, age 13, was sealed to Warren Steed Jeffs for time and all eternity." The entry also notes that Brandon J Blackmore witnessed the wedding.

Millie Blackmore. Photo courtesy of Brandon S Blackmore

It wasn't the only marriage ceremony that took place in Short Creek that day. Brandon S Blackmore, Millie's half-brother, had also been called to make the 16-hour drive from Bountiful, though he traveled separately from his father and half-sister. When he arrived, he met the woman he was assigned to marry, and Jeffs performed their wedding ceremony, shortly after his own marriage to Millie.

The younger Brandon Blackmore claims he didn't know that Millie also got married that same day, or even that she was in Colorado City at the time. But shortly after his wedding, he told VICE, he went years without seeing Millie around Bountiful; members of the community were told she was on a mission for the church, he said. In reality, Millie was traveling with the Jeffs family, including his estimated 81 plural wives, moving among secret FLDS locations across the western US, as authorities began their hunt for the polygamist prophet, who was placed on the FBI's Ten Most Wanted list in 2006.

In an interview, Rachel Jeffs, Warren's 32-year-old daughter from his second marriage, confirmed that during the early 2000s, a series of teenage girls—including Millie— arrived in the Jeffs household without any explanation. When she asked, Rachel told VICE, she was told that the girl was her father's new wife. Rachel, who left the FLDS in January 2015, said she was angry, but never confronted her father about marrying girls so young.

"If you do, then you lose your place in the church," she explained. "I wasn't so worried about losing my place in the church. I just would never get to see my family again."

Rachel said she remembers Millie crying a lot, and that things got worse for the young girl after Warren married the two Canadian 12-year-olds, Alyshia Rae Blackmore and Nolita Colleen Blackmore, in December 2005, at the Yearning for Zion ranch, an FLDS compound near Eldorado, Texas. "I saw her struggle emotionally a lot," Rachel said of Millie. "She wasn't really stable."

After Jeffs's arrest, FLDS leaders frequently moved his wives and closest children to keep them away from authorities. Sometimes the family members would be stashed in one of the FLDS communities; other times they would be separated and put up in one of the sect's Houses of Hiding. Often, Rachel said, members of the family didn't even know where they were. She recalled that she and Alyshia were once taken in the middle of the night to a House of Hiding in Idaho—she doesn't know where exactly, since the women weren't allowed to go outside for more than a few minutes at a time.

Alyshia Rae Blackmore. Photo courtesy of Brandon S Blackmore

Then in 2008, local, state, and federal law enforcement in Texas raided the FLDS compound near Eldorado, responding to what turned out to be a bogus tip about a girl being held against her will. Inside, they found pregnant teens and teens with babies, as well as the temple where Jeffs reportedly engaged in orgies with the girls.

Texas rangers also found hundreds of thousands of documents, including ledgers, Warren's journals, family rosters, and family photos, which revealed the names of the sect's underage sexual abuse victims and their perpetrators, as well as dates and other details about the abuse. The raid, and the trove of evidence it uncovered, changed the way law enforcement across North America investigated the FLDS, turning what had been a relatively unknown group of polygamists into a household name.

Brandon S Blackmore says he saw his half-sister Millie again near the end of 2009, when she returned to Bountiful in the wake of the Texas raid. The following summer, Brandon said, as they sat on a rocking bench in the yard of Brandon's home near Bountiful, the conversation turned to his wedding day, and Millie told him she had watched the ceremony from an adjoining room through a double-sided mirror. Then she revealed that she too had gotten married that day, to Jeffs.

Her half-brother was stunned: After the Texas raid, FLDS leaders in Bountiful had told followers that authorities were lying about the evidence they'd uncovered. Casting the incident as yet another example of their religious persecution, they defended Jeffs and insisted that the church had not been marrying off underage girls.

As he listened to Millie's account, Brandon realized all this had been a bald-faced lie.

FLDS women burn something in the front yard of a house in Bountiful, British Columbia.

In an interview with VICE, Brandon said that though he and Millie didn't discuss her marriage or relationship with Jeffs much, it was clear that his half-sister remained loyal to the FLDS leader, who by that time had already been incarcerated for four years.

Millie vanished again later that summer. Two years later, Brandon left the FLDS sect, divorcing his wife who remains loyal to Jeffs, and with whom he shares custody of their four children. In August 2013, he went to the RCMP to offer his help in their investigation into the FLDS. It was then that the authorities played him the audio recording of Millie and Jeffs, which had apparently been uncovered during the US government's investigations of the sect.

"I don't want my dad going to jail if I can help that, but it has got to stop," Brandon said. "This marriage of underage girls has got to stop."

Brandon J Blackmore, the father of Millie Blackmore, has been charged with child trafficking for allegedly taking his underage daughter across the border to marry Warren Jeffs.

While he said he believes the case against his father and stepmother should move forward, he also expressed some sympathy. At the time of Millie's marriage, he explained, the couple faced tremendous pressure from inside the FLDS. Had they refused to marry their daughter to Jeffs, Brandon added, they would have been excommunicated—a fate that would have meant separation from their families and denial of the faith that they continued to believe in.

In the end, Brandon's father was excommunicated anyway, after FLDS leaders got wind of the RCMP investigation into Millie's marriage. The younger Brandon Blackmore assumes that the church was trying to avoid paying his father's legal fees.

"They're not going to gain anything by prosecuting him," he said of the Canadian investigation into his father. "It's not going to stop the FLDS."

The father and son now live two blocks from each other in a hamlet about 30 minutes east of Bountiful. The elder, Brandon J Blackmore, who once had five wives and has 40 children, now lives alone. When I visited his residence on a recent trip to Bountiful, he would not talk about the charge against him, saying repeatedly, "I don't know anything."

Brandon S Blackmore explained that while he doesn't believe his father condones Jeffs's crimes, he also doesn't talk about it much.

"He would have to confront that he made a big mistake," he said.

***

To understand these conflicting allegiances, it helps to understand the community of Bountiful, nestled in the Creston Valley, at the southern reaches of the Columbia Mountains just north of the Idaho border in British Columbia. Since the 1940s, the settlement has been an outpost for breakaway Mormon polygamists. Most of its 600 or so inhabitants are descended from just a handful of men, creating a community with so few surnames that it tends to be easier to refer to people by only their first names.

For years, Bountiful aligned itself with the FLDS, existing as a sleepy northern outpost of the sect led by Jeffs's father, Rulon. But in 2002, in an event known locally as the "Split," The Jeffs'excommunicated the top FLDS leader in Bountiful, Winston Blackmore. The reasons behind the excommunication are not known, but it was one of hundreds of culls Warren Jeffs initiated to neutralize rivals within the sect and scare members into remaining obedient.

The excommunication divided the local polygamist community in Bountiful, which numbered as many as 1,000 at the time of the Split. On one side, there are the Warrenites, who remained loyal to Jeffs; on the other are the Winstonites, who broke away from the main FLDS sect to follow Winston Blackmore, who built his own meetinghouse and chapel in Bountiful. Both Winston Blackmore and Jim Oler, the leader of the Warrenites in Bountiful, are named in the 2014 polygamy indictment. (Oler was also charged with removing a child from Canada for the purposes of sex.)

A new chapel built by Canadian polygamist leader Winston Blackmore in Bountiful, British Columbia

The groups are friendly with each other. Virtually everyone in Bountiful has relatives in both camps, and members of both groups—as well as polygamous residents who remain neutral in the schism—are beneficiaries of the Utah-based land trust that holds Bountiful's 300 acres and the 55 homes on it. Winstonites, who dress in secular, if modest clothing, and those unaffiliated with either group serve on civic boards together, and many of their children go to the same schools. The Warrenites, in their mono-colored, Little House on the Prairie outfits, don't mix much, but are nevertheless a visible, and mostly neighborly, presence in the town.

It's a marked contrast to the atmosphere in Short Creek, where those deemed disloyal to Jeffs are banished and bullied, and divisions between FLDS followers and apostates have pushed the community to the brink of civil war. From the Texas prison where he is currently serving a life sentence, Jeffs continues to exert control over his flock, demanding the near-total isolation of the sect, and imposing a series of bizarre restrictions, including banning dietary staples, like dairy and oatmeal, forbidding sex between spouses, and demanding that followers only turn on bathroom faucets with their right hands.

The Canadian polygamists have also had far fewer legal problems than their American counterparts. Since the 2008 raid on the FLDS compound in Texas, the US branch of the FLDS has faced intense government scrutiny, including charges of money laundering and food stamp fraud, and fines for child labor violations; earlier this year, a jury in Arizona found that the towns of Hildale and Colorado City had violated the civil rights of nonbelievers living there.

But apart from the 2014 charges, the FLDS followers in Bountiful have largely avoided prosecution, despite allegations of domestic violence and sexual abuse against many of the sect's leaders there.


A "Zion" plaque hangs above a door in Bountiful, British Columbia, to signal that the owners remain loyal to imprisoned FLDS "prophet" Warren Jeffs.

In Bountiful, interviews with former Warrenites indicate that the branch's numbers have declined since Jeffs's conviction in 2011. Former Jeffs followers in the community, like Twyla Quinton, are dismayed at the direction the FLDS has taken. Once a true believer, Quinton was married at age 16 in a mass wedding ceremony officiated by Jeffs's father, Rulon.

"We were sort of given a choice," Quinton told VICE. "It was definitely encouraged to get married. All of my friends were getting married. I had finished all the school available to me. It was the next step in life. So I approached Winston, I did, and I told him I wanted to get married.

"I was happy to be getting married," she said, adding, "I know that's not the same for all the girls."

Quinton, who is now unaffiliated with either of the sects in Bountiful, credits her husband Ron—who is also married to her younger sister—with getting their family out of the church. The FLDS members in Bountiful are "awesome people," Quinton said, but she wishes the Warrenites would "behave like normal Canadians" and stop allowing Jeffs to dictate their lives.

***

People in Bountiful see the RCMP's child-bride investigation as part of the Canadian government's broader pursuit of Winston Blackmore, who at last count had 27 wives and 145 children, the youngest of whom was born this past April, according to Blackmore and several of his relatives. In 2014, six months before his indictment in Canada, Winston testified in a deposition for a civil case in Utah that at least a few of his wives were 15 or 16 when he married them, though those weddings apparently occurred before Canada set 16 as a minimum age for marriage in 2008.

"He is the king stud of Canada," said Nancy Mereska, founder of Stop Polygamy in Canada, which has been openly critical of the Canadian government's failure to crack down on the polygamists in Bountiful. "They were putting people in prison , and we were just wanting things to go ahead in Canada."

Three of Winston Blackmore's daughters. Two of the girls wear hats with their father's initials on the front, and their number in the birth order of his children on the back.

Canada's efforts to nail Winston date back several decades, and the FLDS leader said in an affidavit submitted to a British Columbia court that he first became aware that the RCMP was investigating him for polygamy in 1990. That first investigation did not result in charges. But according to Zelpha Chatwin, who says she is Winston's eighth wife, an RCMP investigator visited Bountiful as far back as 2005, asking general questions about polygamy and the community there.

Chatwin told VICE that about a year after that first visit, another group of Mounties came to Bountiful and began questioning women in the community. According to her and other women VICE spoke to in Bountiful, the law enforcement officials wanted DNA samples from them and their children, and asked women a range of personal questions, including the names of their husbands, their children, and when their marriages were consummated.

But it wasn't until 2009 that Canadian authorities finally charged Winston and Jim Oler with polygamy. That case was stayed over questions about the British Columbia attorney general's selection of a special prosecutor. Charges were filed again in 2014, at the same time that Brandon J Blackmore and Emily Gail Crossfield Blackmore were charged in the case related to their daughter, Millie. The couple's trial is scheduled to begin November 14 in Cranbrook, British Columbia, according to a spokesman for the province's Ministry of Justice. Trial dates have not been set for either Winston or Oler.

Young men work on a fence in Bountiful. At least one is a son of Winston Blackmore, the leader of one of the town's two polygamous sects.

In the meantime, the Canadian government has pursued Winston in other ways. In 2013, a federal judge there ruled that the polygamist leader had underreported income from his logging and trucking businesses by about $1.8 million (Canadian) over a six-year span, and ordered Winston to undergo a reassessment and pay $150,000 in penalties. A Canadian appeals court affirmed the decision in 2014.

Neither Winston nor his attorney responded to VICE's requests for an interview. However, at the Sunstone Salt Lake Symposium, a gathering of followers from both mainstream and fundamentalist Mormonism held in Utah this July, Winston complained about the government's continued efforts to prosecute him.

"Those suckers are after me by day and by night," Winston told the audience. "I've got to go another round with them."

***

In the years after his meeting with the RCMP—and after hearing the tape of his half-sister having sex with Jeffs—Brandon S Blackmore tried to look for Millie himself, traveling to places where the FLDS have enclaves or compounds. In Short Creek, as well as in Pringle, South Dakota, and Mancos, Colorado, he would sit outside the sect's properties, hoping to catch a glimpse of his missing sibling.

"More than anything, I wanted to see how she was," he said, "if she's still alive."

Brandon S Blackmore in his home near Bountiful, British Columbia

The Mounties have taken a more systematic approach to finding Millie and the other two Canadian brides. In the fall of 2015, Jacklin and Constable Shelley Livingstone, the RCMP investigators, visited Rachel Jeffs in Montana. They also visited Salt Lake City, according to people with knowledge of the investigation. In an interview room at the Salt Lake City Public Safety Building, the Mounties met with another one of Warren's daughters who lived with the Canadian brides and asked her to identify photographs of the girls and to help them interpret some of her father's journals. Roy Allred, one of Jeffs's former drivers and family caretakers, has also said that RCMP investigators requested to meet him, near his home in Elko, Nevada, but did not return messages from VICE to confirm that the meeting had occurred.

Canadian authorities are also monitoring the border to see which members of the sect are traveling between Bountiful and FLDS enclaves in Idaho and other Western states. Willie Jessop, a former Jeffs bodyguard and FLDS spokesman who has since become a witness in multiple legal proceedings against the sect, acknowledged in an interview with VICE that the RCMP occasionally calls him to ask about people crossing the US-Canadian border. Jessop said they have also asked if specific crossers are still loyal to Jeffs and, if so, what role those individuals have in the church.

A Warrenite woman in Bountiful crosses the road to avoid the camera.

Neither Jacklin nor Livingstone would confirm whom they have spoken with in Utah. In his recent interview with VICE, Jacklin did say that the RCMP is working with US authorities on its investigations, though he declined to specify which agencies are collaborating. "We are still building, we are still gathering evidence," he said, "and we are still in the process of providing more information to our prosecutor in respect to additional charges against additional people."

According to Jacklin, the RCMP first obtained the Texas evidence in 2011 and began its investigation into the child brides that year. Asked why the process has taken so long, Jacklin cited the tremendous amount of evidence investigators have had to sort through; the evidence acquired from the Texas raid alone amounts to six terabytes of data.

Jacklin also acknowledged another, more complex obstacle—one that additional manpower or overtime hours won't be able to solve. "Some of these girls don't see themselves as victims," he said. Jacklin didn't say how many former child brides the RCMP has approached, or whether the investigation includes additional women besides Millie, Alyshia, and Nolita.

***

In Bountiful, the RCMP's investigation into underage marriages has raised uncomfortable questions for people like Twyla Quinton, who continues to live in the community despite no longer aligning herself with either Jeffs or Winston Blackmore.

Determined to share her frustration with what's happened to the FLDS, Quinton and her 16-year-old daughter, Bianca, hiked into the mountainside above Bountiful last summer, where someone has sprayed "KEEP SWEET" on a boulder along the trail. It's a shortened version of a popular message in Bountiful, "Keep Sweet No Matter What," which FLDS leaders attempt to ingrain in their followers. The subtext, Quinton said, is that people—particularly women and children—should do what they're told and shut up about it.

Children play outside in the secluded polygamist community of Bountiful, British Columbia.

Armed with spray paint cans, Quinton and Bianca covered the slogan in white paint. Then, in red, they wrote their own message: "BE AWESOME." It was a striking act of defiance in a community where such acts are exceedingly rare. But while Quinton told VICE that she doesn't support teenage marriages—although hers has been a good one—she also questioned the Canadian government's determination to punish someone for the practice.

"A little girl getting married is not OK, but whose fault is that?" she told VICE. "If you're going to save a child bride, do it when she's still a child."

Nate Carlisle reports on polygamy for the Salt Lake Tribune. Follow him on Twitter.

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