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What Hillary Clinton's Emails Tell Us About How She'd Deal With Terrorism

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Read: Why You Actually Should Care About Hillary Clinton's Damn Emails

According to some new poll results from last week, America trusts Hillary Clinton to fight terrorism more than Donald Trump, or any Republican presidential nominee (although Jeb Bush is within the margin of error). That's especially good news for Clinton as a Democrat, since polls typically show that voters trust the Republicans more than her party when it comes to keeping the US safe from groups like ISIS and Al Qaeda.

But as with any issue during a presidential election, it's impossible to know whether that kind of trust is earned, or based the emotions Americans feel after watching campaign commercials.

But Clinton spent a little over four years as America's top diplomat, and in that period of time, her role as Secretary of State put her front-and-center in America's anti-terrorism efforts. That also means the public is entitled by law to dig through all of her correspondence from that time, as long as doing so doesn't jeopardize national security.

The full record of her emails from that time still only exists on a private email server she set up—a legally questionable state of affairs. But after some legal grappling with VICE News, the State Department has released thousands of her emails, revealing—to anyone committed to, as VICE News' FOIA expert Jason Leopold put it, "actually sitting down, and fucking reading every goddamn motherfucking email"—what went on behind the scenes when HillaryClinton was the one shaping foreign policy.

Jason is one of the few people who actually does just that—or at least gets pretty fucking close. Since he uses the same coffee machine as me, after I read those poll results, I thought I should sit down and ask him what the emails can tell us about Clinton's potential presidency, and specifically how a future President Hillary would deal with the terrorist threats facing the US.

VICE: You probably saw this new poll that shows that more than any other 2016 candidate, America trusts Hillary Clinton to fight terrorism. What do you think about that?
If anyone took the time to really dig into the emails, you can see that Hillary is very, very aggressive on issues revolving around terrorism, that she has not made any decisions—at least from what I've seen—unilaterally, on her own, on issues related to Al Qaeda.

So what was she up to?
During that first year when she was Secretary of State, she was not just becoming sort of adjusted or adjusting herself to this sort of position, she was also sort of laying the groundwork basically for what kind of president she would later end up being—particularly related to issues of foreign policy. As Secretary of State, she was the nation's top diplomat, and you can see this evolution of how aggressive she was.

Specifically, what did the emails say about her involvement in the war in Afghanistan?
she needed to be tougher; she needed to get behind the generals who were saying that we need to root out remnants of Al Qaeda and put the Taliban in its place. We look to her as this figure of someone who's sort of hawkish.

It's not wrong to think of her as a hawk though, is it?
She is very hawkish. But she's also somebody that takes a lot of advice, and had to be talked into it. She did have to be talked into it. There was another There were instances with Boko Haram and the fact of what they were doing, and that the US needed to step in and help, but nothing that sort of rose to the level of 'let's bring 'em to the US.'

I could see why people may look at this like, 'Oh yeah, now we like her!' But that's the whole point of the emails!

Are there clear examples in the emails that inform us about what actions she would take as the leader of the country?
Well, with Pakistan, she was told that the Pakistanis have to more aggressively pursue Al Qaeda—that's what she was told to say. That's exactly what she did. When she ended up visiting Pakistan on October 28, 2009, she accused Pakistani officials of giving safe haven to Al Qaeda terrorists. So that's what she said publicly, and weeks before she was getting all of this advice.

So when you imagine her coming up with a terror platform today, you picture her getting similarly hawkish advice from her friends?
You can certainly see how she would act as president. She has a lot of foreign policy experience. Particularly right now, you can look at what she's saying with regard to the Islamic State—that we need to be more aggressive—appealing to people who want to hear that, versus the current president, who is saying that it doesn't make sense to send troops out there.

So basically, she's complex? That's what we've learned?
You don't get a complete picture, but you get a pretty damned good picture of what she was like as the nation's top diplomat, and how she served in that position with regard to dealing with countries that were allegedly giving safe haven to terrorists, like Pakistan. And how she sought out advice. Then you've got another side of her—this complete human side—where here's a person who's actually seeing a young girl suffering human rights abuses. So yeah, you know, that's what makes this person a very complex character.

Careful man. You might accidentally make people like her.
I could see why people may look at this like, 'Oh yeah, now we like her!' But that's the whole point of the emails is that it underscores that she's a complex political figure, where she makes some decisions that the public might get behind and other decisions that might be cause for concern, particularly on foreign policy.

Follow Mike Pearl on Twitter. Follow Jason Leopold on Twitter too.


Habits: Clementine Needs a Fix in This Week's 'Habits' Comic

The VICE Guide to Right Now: The 'New York Post' Says Quentin Tarantino Lied About Doing Jail Time to Sound Badass

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Tarantino speaking about the police controversy with Bill Maher in November. Thumbnail image via Flickr user Sir Mildred Pierce

Read: The Largest Police Union in the Country Ominously Says It Has a 'Surprise' in Store for Quentin Tarantino

The New York Police Department recently launched a sort of rhetorical vendetta against Quentin Tarantino after the director spoke out against police brutality during a rally in Manhattan.

Now the fine folks over at the New York Post have joined in.

The NYPD initially called for a Tarantino movie boycott after the filmmaker (sort of) called cops who kill unarmed people of color "murderers," and then the largest police union in the country followed up with some vague threats about how they had a "surprise" in store for him.

Enter the Post, which, as usual, is pretty blatantly on the side of the police. The paper published a story on Sunday alleging that Tarantino has been lying for years about doing jail time in his 20s to look like a "tough guy."

The director has long discussed a week-long stint in lock-up for unpaid tickets stemming from minor traffic violations, and his accounts have varied a bit over the years. But the Post claims the whole tale—which is allegedly "key to his creation myth"—to be a complete fabrication.

The tabloid cited the LA County Sheriff's Department, which couldn't find any "evidence that Mr. Tarantino was ever incarcerated" in their jail system. Of course, "no evidence" doesn't necessarily mean Tarantino was full of shit—he's yet to comment on the Post story. But hey, at least the paper got a good pun in, calling the director's jail story "Pulp Fiction." Zing!

VICE Vs Video Games: The New 'Adventure Time' Video Game Is an Adventure in Mediocrity

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A few weeks ago a new Adventure Time video game was released, based on Pendleton Ward's award-winning series. I realize that the show has a rabid fan base, eager to buy up every last bit of Adventure Time paraphernalia they can get their paws on, but I would advise gamers and casual fans alike to leave this one on the shelf. It's not that Finn & Jake Investigations is the most hideous crock of licensed shit you can force yourself to sit down in front of—and to begin listing the worst offenders here would take us well into next week—it's just that it gets so dull, so fast. Which, for a game based on one of the brightest, most colorful and fantastically imaginative animated productions the 21st century has seen, is absolutely criminal.

But there's precedent to appreciate, which in turn tempers expectations. Investigations is the fourth major video game based on Adventure Time, and not one of them has come close to representing a worthy companion game to the show. The best game of the four is probably the first, Hey Ice King! Why'd You Steal Our Garbage?!, which mixed top-down map wandering with 2D sequences of jumping and fighting. The other two are better tossed into the Sea of Sure Death than slipped into a games console. Investigations avoids a dropkicking into the wet stuff, but at times it sure comes close to receiving a swift yet firm boot to the ass.

Firstly, it's worth noting this isn't a full-price, "premium" title that's going to show off the capabilities of your console of choice. There, said it, disclaimer-ed. But all the same, Investigations is for the most part an ugly game that likely wouldn't push the PS2's emotion engine. It adopts a 3D approach for its visuals and comes up short in almost every respect, save for the palette, which is as retina stinging as the cartoon. The models never look right, lip synching is non existent, environments are limited and at times downright bland, characters just disappear off the screen once their role is at an end, and it's sometimes incredibly difficult to notice important items or locations on the screen, and interact with them once they're spotted, thanks to janky detection—a problem given the nature of this game.

Related: Watch VICE's film on seeking out Mexico's top skate spots

Which I should probably explain, really. Investigations is essentially a point-and-click puzzle game where clues are found around the game world and used in conjunction with other characters and/or objects to progress each of the game's five stories, or cases. Sometimes these pick-ups need to be combined, so as to make one useful tool—you won't be able to paint a friendly NPC the colors of a penguin before you combine brushes with paint cans in your inventory. Solutions are occasionally incredibly unintuitive, leading to the random mashing together of items in fussy menus until something sticks. Need to clear a fire wolf from a basement? You're going to need some handlebars. If that all sounds fairly Monkey Island-y to you, bingo, you've gone and got it—fist-bump yourself, algebraically. It's just a shame that the show's humor isn't transferred to elevate Investigations' rudimentary gameplay.

There are smiles to be had across Investigations' ten-hour duration (you may finish it quicker, but I spent a lot of time missing obvious items, revisiting areas to scour for clues that weren't there, either because I'm an idiot or because the game really doesn't make itself clear), but no proper laughs. I'd not seen South Park in years before playing 2014's RPG based on the show, The Stick of Truth, but I howled hard in the face of its scatological humor. That's an adaptation that nailed its source lateral perfectly. For me, the funniest moment of Investigations was probably when I used Ice King's stinky pants as a stretchy catapult, to launch a slice of mushy pizza found under an easy chair into the beak of an errant penguin. I smirked, I guess, just as I did every time a penguin went "wenk" (because I'm British and it's almost rude). So there is fun here, just a little, but it's so cack-handedly conveyed. The show's original voice actors naturally struggle with a stunted script, while the player constantly has to overlook lazy stuff, like characters not facing each other when in conversation, in order to visualize what this game could have been. A little more love, a little longer in testing, and who knows.

When you're not pushing Finn (the human), always followed by Jake (the dog) although you never directly control him, into every extremity of every new area, so as to maximize your chances of picking up a vital clue, you're engaging in button-mashing combat sequences that rarely feel necessary, outside of lightly puzzle-based boss battles. I understand that fighting almost needs to be an element of any Adventure Time game—the show is at least partially inspired by Dungeons & Dragons, which I believe has its share of stabbing and the like—but here it's uncomfortably shoehorned into place. There are some cool powers that Finn can call upon, depending on which sword he's using (it's swapped for newer, better blades as you progress), and stringing enough hits together sees the pair team up for some special attacks; but it's all so risk free that every new "combat time" becomes more chore than challenge, however much loot you come away with.

There are some story beats in Investigations that link to season six of the show, most obviously a case involving Lumpy Space Princess, which is nice; and all of the characters you'd ever want to appear in an Adventure Time game duly show up, even the massive jerk that is Magic Man. But it's box-ticking stuff, really: familiar faces deployed to play hollow roles upon stages made of popping candy. Younger gamers and air-headed adults might enjoy the "random" side to certain situations, and chuckle lightly every time somebody says "dog buns," but unless you really are entirely too far gone in your Adventure Time obsession, and couldn't give a crap whether a video game's good or just does enough to not make you want to punch a hole through your TV, you don't need this. It's more mediocre than mathematical, sorry.

Adventure Time: Finn & Jake Investigations is out now for pretty much every contemporary platform on the face of the planet, but was tested for this feature on Wii U. Because it's nice to play something new on the Wii U, isn't it?

Follow Mike Diver on Twitter.

What It's Like to Be a Female Firefighter in California Prison

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Women at the Malibu Conservation Camp #13 in California's prison system. All photos by Tobin Yelland

A short, winding drive from the glorious beaches of Malibu, amidst the private vineyards of the Santa Monica Mountains, a group of several dozen women stand in line as a supervisor calls them forward one by one.

"Vasquez."

Samantha Vasquez, 26, steps forward. She pauses to stamp her heavy black work boot in the dirt, which gives her supervisor just enough time to match her face to the photo ID he holds in his hand.

"Vasquez," she replies. Stamp.

Like the rest of the women in line, Vasquez is an inmate of the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) at Malibu Conservation Camp #13. Also like the roughly 75 other women at the camp, Vasquez's hair is pulled back and pinned into place, revealing the tattoo on the left side of her neck memorializing her daughter's father. Her eyebrows and her makeup are immaculate. She had never imagined becoming a firefighter before coming to camp, but now she's found her calling.

"I love it," she declares, adding that she wants to continue the work after she paroles. "I love the cutting, I love the chainsaw, I love being on the mountains. It's one of the places where you feel free. You feel like you're giving back."

The one-by-one identification and boot-stamping are part of the daily ritual known as "crossing over"—that is, crossing over from state prison supervision to that of the Los Angeles County Fire Department (LACFD), which jointly runs the camp with the CDCR. Malibu is one of three conservation camps—more commonly referred to as "fire camps," since the majority of the work inmates do is fighting and helping to prevent wildfires—where female inmates can serve their time in California. Each day an inmate serves in fire camp counts as two days toward the completion of her sentence. In a state with the third-highest number of imprisoned women (Texas and Florida have the most) in a nation that incarcerates more of its citizens than any other on earth, the firefighting female inmates of Malibu enjoy a genuine departure from the typically brutal carceral policies of the "golden gulag."

Watch: The Real Nancy Botwin?

California's inmate firefighter program was established in 1946, and the first women joined in 1983 (at least one other state, Nevada, has its own female fire camps). Today, approximately 225 of the program's 4,000 participants are women, according to CDCR spokesperson Bill Sessa. They are divided between three camps: Malibu, Puerta La Cruz, and Rainbow.

Getting a spot at fire camp isn't easy. An inmate must have earned "minimum custody" (low-risk) status, have no more than seven years left to serve, and have shown good behavior in prison. "We rely on teamwork on the fire lines, where an inmate's ability to work with other people on the team can be a life or death situation," says Sessa. Inmates must pass rigorous physical fitness tests for admission—fighting wildfires takes substantial strength and endurance, and the ability to go with little or no sleep for up to 24 hours. Fire camp inmates can range in age from late teens to mid-60s. At Malibu, the oldest current inmate is 52.

"Females do a quality job," LACFD Foreman Matt Stiffler tells me. "At times the production level is less, but the quality is significantly better with females, generally speaking." Another LACFD employee made the same observation within earshot of one of the crews, noting that the women are more meticulous, though they move slower. Later, one of the women approached me to let me know that she resented that comment—we move fast, she said.

There are certain refrains that come up again and again around California's prison fire camps. One is that the program is a "win-win-win," which I hear from both LACFD and CDCR personnel at the camps. That sentiment comes up in sociologist Philip Goodman's 2012 scholarly work on the subject, " 'Another Second Chance': Rethinking Rehabilitation through the Lens of California's Fire Camps."

The first win is for the CDCR, which gets positive PR from the program and can offer some corrections officers a relatively sweet gig at camp. Steve Schlund is the most senior officer at Malibu, with 15 years under his belt. Before that, he worked in conventional prison settings with male inmates, where he became accustomed to daily violence and struggled to keep the strain of the prison environment separate from his home life. "You got used to it," he says. "Like, 'Oh, it's just another stabbing or just another fight.' But there were days you'd go home very stressed out—anybody who says there weren't, they'd be lying to you." At Malibu, he tells me, it's more peaceful. The women are better able to get along across racial lines than the male inmates he worked with, and the only thing he has to complain about is that his senior status doesn't offer him scheduling privileges.

The second win is for the inmates. The food is better than in conventional prison. And the wages, though abysmal, are higher than any other prison job in California, according to CDCR's Bill Sessa: Women earn about $2 per day at fire camp and an extra $1 an hour when working on the fire line, and an officer at Malibu told me that CDCR is considering raising that to $3 an hour.

Several of the women tell me they are treated with respect at fire camp, particularly by LACFD staff, in stark contrast to the treatment in the prisons they transferred from (inmates can only be assigned to fire camp from prison, but not directly sentenced there). They get to be outside every day, and when there's a fire in another part of California, they travel. Their families can visit without enduring hours of wait time, invasive searches, and grim, institutional visiting rooms. And they get to feel they are "giving something back"—another common fire camp refrain. And there is no doubt that they are: Fire camp crews are dispatched to every brush fire that LACFD gets sent out to, says Captain Keith Mora. In 2014, that number came to 453 fires. Even when there are no fires to contain, the women perform intense physical labor five days a week on various conservation projects.

Every woman I speak to, both those hand-picked by CDCR and the ones I approached myself, expresses gratitude in the strongest terms for being at fire camp. Indeed, close to half a dozen women say they plan to continue the work when they parole. (One LACFD official tells me that this might be more challenging than inmates expect because many fire-fighting organizations will not hire anyone with a felony conviction. But some inmates and CDCR staff are still in touch with women who have paroled and gone on to do firefighting or conservation work anyway.) The women describe a feeling of being part of something larger than themselves, feeling part of a team, proud of their own competence and endurance, feeling transformed by the military-style structure and discipline at camp.

Each woman I speak to describes having undergone a personal transformation to one degree or another, often in the context of becoming a better mother and a more positive role model for their children. "When I first went to prison, I was a wreck," Samantha Vasquez says. "This program has taught me how to work hard and how to appreciate what I work for." When she paroles, she says her focus will be on her daughter. "I have this little person looking at me. She's going to copy everything I do, not what I say. So if I show her, 'OK, mommy has to go to work now, this is what you do,' she'll know this is what you do, you go to work so you can pay your bills."

Alicia Gilbert

Alicia Gilbert, 35, is a petite blond mother of three and bursts with friendly energy. She's been at Malibu for two and a half years, making her one of the camp's longest-term residents, and is a sawyer (or chainsaw operator), the highest-responsibility position on a crew. Her family visits twice a month, making the drive from Santa Barbara County. "My kids think it's pretty cool," she says of the work. "A few times during their visits here, the fire alarm has gone off so I've had to jump in the bus. My littlest one is three, and one time she tried to run onto the bus with us," she laughs. Before admission to fire camp, Gilbert was at the California Institution for Women in Corona, an environment so grim she would not allow her children to visit. "They don't know anything else but this place, which is good."

The third "win" is for the state, and here is where some prison reform and labor advocates believe that things get murky, to put it gently. CDCR estimates that the fire program saves California $80-$100 million yearly by employing inmates to fight fires and do other conservation work. (California Attorney General Kamala Harris recently had to do some damage control after her lawyers argued in court that a federally-ordered prison release order for nonviolent criminals would cut too deeply into the cheap labor pool provided by inmates.)

"It's not just slave labor, it's very dangerous slave labor," argues Paul Wright, editor of Prison Legal News and executive director of the Human Rights Defense Center. For its part, CDCR does not officially track injury rates among fire camp inmates, and a group of LAFCD personnel tell me that the worst injury they know of occurred when a male inmate was struck in the leg with a rolling rock about the size of a bowling ball. They said they had never seen loss of life nor limb.

"This is a prime example of how prison slavery undermines salaries and wages for non-prisoners," Wright argues. "If they weren't having the prisoners do the work for whatever pittance they pay them, they would be paying non-prisoners 15-20 dollars an hour plus benefits." LAFCD Fire Captain Mike Velazquez agrees with the estimate, saying that a typical salary for similar work would be around $40,000 per year.

Asked if he sees any upside to the fire camp program, Wright retorts, "I'm not sure I've ever met anyone who saw anything uplifting in the financial exploitation of people. That's like saying slavery taught African Americans a work ethic."

The women at Malibu are familiar with Wright's argument, but their day-to-day lives unfold on a different plane than abstract ideas of justice, no matter how elementary or irrefutable. Jelena Supica, 26, is tall, remarkably poised, with a military bearing. "It is controversial," she says. "You could look at it that way, as being exploited for labor. But you've got to look at it as the glass half full, because I was a lost little girl before I came here. This program is helping us to become helpful members of society. It's beautiful. If anything, they should open more camps like these." Supica wonders why there is no camp for female juveniles, only males—she sees that as a squandered opportunity.

Jelena Supica

CDCR typically doesn't track data on recidivism rates by institution or program, because "it's too simplistic a measure," according to Bill Sessa. Only one report in recent years has done so, and it indicates that the recidivism rates of camp parolees, male and female, are among the lowest of any program—52 percent, compared to roughly 63 percent among the general inmate population. Goodman, the sociologist, noted surprise at how "strikingly disinterested" CDCR is in comparing recidivism rates between fire camp and general inmate population parolees. Instead of CDCR's usual focus on recidivism as an indicator of success, Goodman argued, the focus is on something less tangible: "[Inmates, staff, and administrators] view the camp program as an enabler of change for those inclined to engage in self-transformation. The primary focus is therefore on moral, as opposed to actuarial, reform."

This points to the strange central tension of the fire camp project on the whole. For the individual inmate, fire camp is understandably sought after: the respect given, the higher wages earned, the relative autonomy, the better food, the access to visitors. On an anecdotal level, on an individual level, fire camp can be a life-changer. But what does it mean to celebrate any part of a regime as troubled as the California prison system, one that uses the word "rehabilitation" in its name but offers only about 3 percent of inmates the opportunity to take part in fire camp?

For female inmates in particular, there's another troubling layer. During my visit, several inmates and even one LACFD employee at Malibu matter-of-factly refer to women serving time there who are not guilty of a crime. "We're all here for a reason, even if we might not have done the crime," as Jelena Supica puts it. She's talking about women convicted of conspiracy charges on the basis that they lived with a husband or boyfriend involved in drug sales, or were otherwise " caught in the net" of sweeping, draconian drug policy. Whether these women have been granted an opportunity to pull themselves up by their bootstraps and start over, or whether they've become slaves of the state due to a series of unfortunate choices, depends on whom you ask.

Follow Lauren Lee White on Twitter.

The Death of British Lad Culture: How the UK's Dumb Young Men Finally Grew Up

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Lads, circa 2012. Photo by Kieran Cudlip

This article originally appeared on VICE UK.

Back in the heady days of 2012, under the shadow of a giant Mobot, the nation was gripped by one crushing, all-encompassing terror: the Uni Lad.

The Uni Lads were as maligned and debated a group as there has ever been in this country. A stateless band of no-ideologues, pumped full of supermarket lager, and drunk on creatine. They sang on buses and pissed on war memorials; they studied in the day and chugged their own piss in the evening. Like the characters in Platoon, they were from no place in particular, going no place in particular; a generation of young men promised everything by New Labour and given nothing by the Big Society. They were young, jobless, and godless, slouching towards a 2:2. They put the shits up a nation that thought it was above all that.

Looking back over the op-eds of the time, you can feel this palpable sense of fear that much of the media had of the Uni Lads, or their lesser-educated splinter group, the True Lads. It was as if journalists, editors, and shit-sayers were living through a constant waking nightmare in which a group of buffed-up sports science students in shutter shades marched down Stoke Newington Church Street, forcing beer funnels down everyone's throats and using the word "gay" as a pejorative.

Entire careers were built on fretting about their imminent threat. They were the broadsheet anti-darlings, an ever-reliable content provider through their various atrocities: sexual assault, slut-dropping, blackface, Neknomations. There was even a "summit" called to discuss how best to tackle "lad culture," but all that really came of it was this picture.

For a couple years of my life, I became very involved in this scene, both observing from a distance and spending a fair bit of time in the trenches. I drank a dirty pint, I got called a cunt in song form by the Cardiff University Rugby Team, I got stabbed with an epi-pen, lamped by a trainee marine. It became part of me. I developed a near-total immunity to Jägermeister; I once took somebody on a date to the Sports Café, not seeing what might be wrong with that. At night I dreamt of banter. I was in way too deep. Had I been a detective in a police procedural drama, they would've pulled me back into uniform patrol for being "too close to the case."

But a few years later, the smoke has cleared, and what we're left with is something very different.

The places where you'll see this shift most noticeably are on the sites where much of the language, the codes, and the ideas that defined the movement came from. The Lad Bible and its inferior cousin Uni Lad were always big, but they've now become part of the established media landscape, with Lad Bible now the 12th most popular site in the UK (above both theGuardian and theTelegraph, and only one place below Twitter).

Not only has the company moved towards the establishment in a corporate sense, setting up proper offices and going on a massive recruitment drive, it's also moved away from the boorish yet eminently shareable (and sellable) content that defined its halcyon days. And against all expectations, it's shifting its mindset to a new-left perspective, where Owen Jones or Jeremy Corbyn or Frankie Boyle is every bit as much of a legend as Adam Richman, Mario Balotelli, and the thousands of unknown lad soldiers pranking their girlfriends with exploding ketchup and throwing Goldeneye-themed stag-dos.

Look over the recent uploads and it's clear that not only has the content shifted, the comments have too. The Lads, who were once keen to comment "must do better #SHITLAD" or the same tired Patrick Stewart memes on pieces like "How to Pull a Fresher" seemed to have picked up a copy of Chomsky's Hegemony Or Survival (or at least Owen Jones' Chavs) and are now churning out the same new-left truisms that you'd usually see shared on an NUS delegate's Twitter feed.

The most-liked comment on a recent piece about ISIS and the bombings in Syria was one which accused the US of hypocrisy. The most-liked comment on a piece about a man who spent 44 years in prison for a crime he didn't commit advocates sentencing for police officers who murder people. They have essentially become Bahar Mustafa in a Jack & Jones hoodie. It's quite a turnaround.

Read on Broadly: Why More Women Are Having Sex on Drugs

So what happened? Well, I think the key to understanding this shift is imagining that the Uni Lad/Lad Bible sites are a personification of the demographic that they were originally aimed at.

Forget about them as websites run by teams of people with editors, advertisers, interns, and front-of-house managers. Instead, imagine them as a young man who would have been in his second year at Leeds University in 2012 and is now three years older. Because, in their informal, social-media-led style, they were always supposed to come across as somebody you might be friends with on Facebook, rather than a media platform. That was the genius of them: that they seemed like somebody you might know. They were started in British universities by people of university age, for people in universities. And now they're simply reflecting the changes that generation may have gone through.

Because nobody—not even members of the Bullingdon Club—can stay a higher education hellcat forever; that lack of responsibility to anyone else other than yourself will eventually leave you. You will become concerned with your neighbors in an empathetic way, rather than merely trying to out-drink them on the Otley Run Pub Crawl. Things like world conflict, antibiotic immunity, food banks, and Yanis Varoufakis will enter your mental sphere as you begin to worry more about your own mortality, the lives of other people around you, and your children 's children. Your six-pack will become harder to maintain, and gonorrhoea will become all-too-real a threat. He might be living the same lifestyle, only with £6 Peronis replacing £1 Carlsbergs, but things will weigh heavier on the Uni Lad as he leaves university.

The culture around them, too, has shifted. Craft ales have replaced those luminous blue cocktails; Jamie xx has replaced Swedish House Mafia; Ricky Hill has replaced Alex Reid as the man everyone wants to look like. Male youth culture has been both hardened and softened—you're no longer supposed to shave every day, but you're also no longer supposed to flush your best mate's head down a toilet when he's passed out.

You'll still see gangs of pampered, disenfranchised young men on the pedestrianized streets of Britain and the promenades of Platja d'en Bossa, but by and large they have become older, more discerning, and their younger brothers are no longer interested in the gauche, lurid, homoerotic culture their elders thrived upon.

A lad in 2012. Photo by Kieran Cudlip

For people slightly younger than the original Lads, a new kind of aspirational urbanism has become the feeling of the time: Huaraches, balloons, bucket hats, swegways, Wavey Garms, YouTube hauling, "That's Not Me," and a summer trip to Croatia rather than Shagaluf. It's just as macho, but a lot less camp. Youth culture simply takes itself more seriously these days—and as much as I bemoan the loss of the simple, shallow pleasures of the Uni Lad lifestyle, you can't help but think it 's a good thing for wider culture. It's OK to be cool again, and that means things can keep moving forward at the rate we all want.

But part of me keeps wondering about what happened to the original Uni Lads—about what became of their hopes and dreams, and whether they could really keep that lifestyle up. So I started digging into the social media lives of the ones I spent a fateful night out with in Newcastle in the spring of 2012. The changes were subtle, but totally noticeable. Many of them have become gym employees, rather than gym bunnies. They now help the same people they use to pull to maximize their potential, in a friendly and encouraging manner.

Instead of the muscles and funnels, their profile pictures are of themselves posing with their girlfriends (they all have girlfriends now) by the Blue Lagoon in Reykjavik, sitting on the backs of camels, smiling and looking stable and happy and as far away from those broadsheet pariahs as you can possibly imagine.

In essence, the Uni Lads grew up and become their own dads, just as many a mod, punk, raver, or emo kid had to do before them. They look quieter, more reflective, like they've seen enough, like they might not just have the energy any more. But at night I'm sure that urge to rage at the moon, shirtless, on an imaginary bucking bronco, still follows them around as those nights in with First Dates and a Franco Manca become ever more frequent.

Then I looked through my own social media feed and realized that very little has changed at all. The same bars, clubs, and people are there, just in different trainers. There 's a bit less stupidity than there used to be. For all the scorn from the London cognoscenti directed at the Lads, it's them who eventually grew up, not us.

Follow Clive on Twitter.

Why I'm Finally Telling the Truth About Britain’s Most Notorious Gangland Murder

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Bernard O'Mahoney outside Raquel's nightclub

On December 6, 1995, three members of a gang now known as the Essex Boys were lured to a deserted farm track near Rettendon, England on the pretense of planning a robbery. As the trio sat in their Range Rover, two gunmen approached the open rear door of the vehicle. Moments later the first shot rang out. Then another. Then another. When the weapons fell silent and the gun smoke cleared, the three men were dead.

The murders of Pat Tate, Tony Tucker, and Craig Rolfe shocked a lot of people, but they impressed a whole lot more. They were failed drug dealers and low life bullies, but the Essex Boys, as they became known, were soon being compared to the Krays and described in the media as modern day Mafia Dons. Three nobodies had become somebodies because the press deemed their deaths a good story.

The Essex Boys firm has had more films made about it than any other gang in British history. These movies all follow the same format: the main characters are chipper, coke-snorting chappies who knock the shit our of their fellow human beings for the slightest perceived misdemeanor. They drive Porsches, live in luxury homes, have beautiful girlfriends, and two Rottweilers named Bruno and Tyson.

The truth about the Essex Boys firm is nothing like the films these ex-public schoolboys moonlighting as directors have made. The three dead men were heavily in debt—the Range Rover they died in was borrowed in a hire purchase agreement. All three were cowards who beat women. They would only attack people in numbers or they would select weak, straight, vulnerable victims. They demanded loyalty but mastered in deceit. We were all products of the world that we inhabited.


Bernard and Tony Tucker

I was the founder of the Essex Boys gang. In 1988, I took over security at a club called Raquel's in Basildon. Shortly afterward, the rave scene emerged and clubland was hit by a shit-ton of drugs.

I met a man named Tony Tucker who ran a large and well respected door firm. When I told him I was encountering problems recruiting reliable doormen, he suggested we form a partnership. He would run the admin side and meet the increasing demand for drugs and I'd control the door. Through Tucker I met Craig Rolfe, a sly individual with a huge chip on his shoulder. His father had been murdered by his mother's lover. His mother, who was pregnant at the time, ended up in prison, where she gave birth to Rolfe.

Not long after, we met Pat Tate. He was well known in Essex after escaping from court while he was being sentenced for a robbery charge. He beat up the officers guarding him, vaulted the dock, and jumped onto the back of a waiting motorcycle. He later surfaced in Spain and was sent to prison in Britain. Tate was determined to make up for the wasted years that he had spent behind bars. He latched on to Tucker and the two of them would spend their days taking drugs, talking shit, and entertaining prostitutes.

Tate convinced Tucker that there was a lot of money to be made at Raquel's. Instead of taking a cut from the profits of the club's drug dealers, Tate suggested Tucker start supplying the dealers himself. He'd made the right connections in prison, and knew a way we could bypass the local wholesalers and start importing drugs from Europe ourselves—cutting out all the middlemen.


Tony Tucker, Pat Tate, and Bernard O'Mahoney

As the drugs came in, Tucker, Tate, and Rolfe took more and more. Their personalities began to change. One moment they would be laughing and joking, the next they would be plotting to murder someone they claimed had upset them. Tate began using heroin and not long afterward, he and Tucker began smoking crack. The harder stuff made them even more deluded—they'd talk about killing off their rivals and the millions they were going to make after they had seized control of the Essex drug trade.

Things were getting crazy. Within seven months of Tate being released from prison, he'd been shot by a former friend. Tucker and Rolfe allegedly murdered a young man, Kevin Whitaker. A teenager named Leah Betts had died after taking ecstasy that had been sold at Raquel's. All this was compounded by the fact that the drugs they eventually managed to import turned out to be unsellable pure shit.

Tucker and Tate's dreams were turning into nightmares. They went on a rampage, threatening everyone they encountered. I walked out of the club on November 16, 1995, the night Leah Betts died. Tucker saw my departure and told me if I walked, he'd shoot me. I moved my family into a hotel and waited for the worst. But I wasn't the only one Tucker, Tate, and Rolfe had marked.


Pat Tate

The night they died, they'd been coaxed into a meeting by three men they'd previously threatened to kill. They believed they were being shown a field were a light aircraft filled with cocaine was going to land. The trio had planned to rob the cargo, but the whole thing turned out to be a baited hook. As the Range Rover pulled up, the gunman shot Rolfe in the back of the head. The gunman fired at Tucker, punching a 6.5 cm hole in his lower jaw. Tate was in the back seat.

The gunman finished off Tucker, then Rolfe, and then turned to his accomplice and invited him to shoot Tate. Walking around the back of the vehicle, the second gunman aimed the shotgun at Tate, who was by now curled up in the fetal position and made no attempt to defend himself. They shot him in the chest rather than the head. He'd been the catalyst of all the trouble that had been caused and so it was deemed essential that he should watch the murder of his friends before he was executed. Their bodies were discovered by a farmer the next morning.

Before the gun smoke had even cleared, rumors began circulating around Essex and beyond. Everyone who had met the three men had a motive to kill them. For a start, they'd threatened me. Billy and Eddie Blundell—two of the most notorious and powerful ganglords in Essex—had warned them that they'd end up dead. They also had previous exchanges with former Essex Boy, Steve "Nipper" Ellis, who'd already tried to shoot Tate once.

In the end it was drug smuggler Michael Steele and his associate Jack Whomes who were convicted of the Rettendon murders in January 1998. Police claimed that they were murdered because they fell out with Steele over a shipment of cannabis from Holland, which proved unsellable. They were convicted on the word of supergrass Darren Nicholls, who was let off his own prison sentence in exchange for his testimony. Nobody knows what happened to him. He was given a new life and a new identity.

But Whomes and Steele have maintained their innocence and are supported by many. Who really killed Tony Tucker, Pat Tate, and Craig Rolfe has since become one of the greatest mysteries in British criminal history. For two decades the victims' families have had to endure criminal appeals, books, newspaper investigations, documentaries, and films, all of which cast doubt on the guilt of the alleged killers of their loved ones.

Bernard today

I'm older now, and I think about their kids, and how they have to live not knowing what really happened to their fathers. That's why I set about trying to end the torment. I interviewed everyone involved for a book, The Final Word, which has now been made into a documentary. I needed to tell the truth about how and why the Essex Boys died.

We lived through turbulent times back then. Ours were hateful, miserable existences—totally the opposite of the glamorized garbage churned out in the movies about us which totally misrepresent how we really lived our lives and destroyed the lives of others. Twenty years later, it's time to move on.

Anti-War Protesters in London Explain Why They Think Bombing Syria Is a Bad Idea

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Once again, Britain is getting ready for war. The Prime Minister is expected to hold a vote on bombing Syria as early as tomorrow; members of the political class have taken to the airwaves, putting on their serious voices, and saying things like "International Community" and "A Compelling Case"; and a UN Security Council Resolution has been used to give the whole project a veneer of legitimacy. All we need before we start dropping bombs is a Stop the War Coalition protest in a neatly demarcated space outside Downing Street, complete with speeches from the left's big hitters and ambient art-rocker Brian Eno.

And that's what we got this weekend. Unlike Stop the War's famous march before the 2003 invasion of Iraq—notable for being the biggest anti-war protest of all time before a war even started—the sense of fatalistic gloom arrived early, hovering over the speakers' podium. A feeling of fatigue was detectible in the crowd too—except among the 100 or so who broke free and organized a sit-down on Whitehall—perhaps because the war everyone there wants to stop is already happening.

The US-led coalition of 12 nations has led over 7,000 air strikes in ISIS territory in Syria since August last year (killing suspiciously few civilians in the process), and Britain is already bombing and droning northern Iraq in coordination with Kurdish forces: a tactic that's unlikely to be successful as long as ally Turkey continues shelling them.

Since the Paris attacks—which were committed by Europeans, not Syrian refugees—France and the US have intensified sorties over Syria, and Russia has even started using the odd chemical weapon to brighten things up. While this has boosted the confidence of the Syrian Army, it has done little to threaten ISIS: The caliphate continues to consolidate power, monopolize violence, and think of new feature ideas for the next issue of Dabiq, its monthly online propaganda magazine.

Should Parliament vote "Yes" to joining the aerial bombardment of Syria, British ministers will no longer feel "embarrassed" (MP Crispin Blunt's actual word) for "outsourcing" (David Cameron's actual word) their killing in Syria to the big important countries.

So, the reasons for war are clear: It's about stopping generals making jokes about us at the NATO Christmas dinner; it's about preventing Michael Fallon from feeling left out, looking down sheepishly at his Brussels sprouts while the other defense secretaries makes in-jokes about their time together in "Operation Inherent Resolve."

But what about the arguments against? On Saturday, I headed down to Whitehall to ask some of the 4,000 people protesting for their thoughts. The whole affair is creating a headache for Jeremy Corbyn, who is hoping for some grassroots support in his attempts to convince his party to oppose the war. Various members of his shadow cabinet support the war, which is causing a lot of arguing within the party. Since people standing around with placards seems to be the definition of grassroots, I asked them about Labour's handling of the situation, too.

Nick

VICE: Nick, what brought you out here today?
Nick: I'm here because making lives in Syria more miserable is not going to solve the problem. I'm being very selfish: It makes us ever more a target for terrorism. But I think the real reason is bombing never solves any problem in the world at all.

So how do we combat this apocalyptic death cult of pure unadulterated evil?
I do not know. It's a battle of ideas, and it's a long process in terms of trying to persuade those of the Islamic faith that fundamentalism is not the way to go. There's also a battle to be had in persuading, for example, Saudi Arabia, in being more liberal in its views and other countries that formalize more extreme forms of Islam into their legal system.

Jeremy Corbyn said he's going to try and use this movement to build a grassroots opposition to the war.
I'd rather not comment on that... ... to be a bit mealy-mouthed about it: Jeremy Corbyn is a man of great principle. But I don't think he's a unifying force in the Labour Party.

Toby

VICE: Hi Toby. Why are you here?
Toby: I completely disagree with bombing Syria. I think it just perpetuates terrorism and it makes us responsible for terrorism—and we shouldn't be responsible for it.

Do you think they're gonna bomb anyway in spite of all the people who don't want it?
Yes.

Is that depressing?
I think it's just, you know, we live in democracy and it's our right to protest and we should. It lets people in other countries know that we're against what our government is doing and shows that there's a failure somewhere in the democratic process.

Carole, Ian, and a Bearded Man from East Ham

VICE: Hi guys. What's the point of opposing the bombing of Syria if we're basically already bombing Syria?
Bearded Man: Because we don't want to escalate it. There's a terrible civil war going on in Syria, we should be helping refugees, not bombing them!

But don't the attacks in Paris make this necessary?
That's a load of nonsense! If anyone wants to commit criminal acts and do whatever, they'll do it. That's about policing and intelligence.

Ian: Actually it'll mean there are more terrorist attacks. The people who are being bombed, ISIS, are actually in favor of being bombed. It makes them martyrs. They're not afraid of death, are they?

Do you sympathize with Corybn's position right now?
Carole: I'm not a member of the Labour Party either but I paid my £3 to vote for him and so far he's been excellent. I'm an old woman now—the same age as Corbyn—and I know what war's about. We haven't got the right in anybody's name to commit all these young people to another war.

Bearded Man: Who do you write for?
It's called VICE.

Bearded Man: Vice! Carol knows all about vice. Ask her what she got up to in the 60s.

Carol: I'll tell you something about vice. When you get to my age, you've got two alternatives: either you pay for it or you have a vivid imagination. My imagination is boundless.

Thanks Carol.

Kim and Josie, from Gloucestershire

VICE: Where have you guys come from and why?
Kim: I took the train all the way down from a tiny place in Gloucestershire because the last time there was a big protest, before the Iraq war, my children were a lot younger and I couldn't come. And every time I heard something about it afterwards, I thought, 'I should've come.' Not because I think being here will make a difference but because it means whatever little power I've got, I've done something.

What about the argument that the Paris attacks means we need to do something?
It's not a good argument. Violence doesn't solve violence. That said I don't know what the answer is. But if I'm stood in my cosy kitchen and I hear on Radio 4 that they've just bombed a school... I don't want it to be as a result of my government.

Josie, what do you think of Corbyn?
Josie: I'm a big fan. I think he can make it through to the next election.

What about the others in his party who want him to resign over this?
The idea of a party whip and everyone in the party having the same beliefs is ridiculous. There should be internal conflict. You want there to be debate not just across parties but within them. It's not something that invalidates the leader.

Kasya (pictures center), from London, was defying the police and sitting down in the road, blocking the traffic.

VICE: Hi Kasya. Why are you here?
Kasya: I'm here because dropping missiles in Syria isn't going to solve our problems. It's a short-term answer to a long-term problem. This has been happening for long enough... starting another way in another country is not going to solve the problem. We need peaceful solutions.

And how long are you going to sit here?
As long as it takes!

Bashir

VICE: Why did you come here?
Bashir: I didn't. Well, I didn't know this was going on. (laughs)

Well what do you think of it?
I just saw the signs..."Don't Bomb Syria." People need to be aware of what's going on in the world. The things that are happening in Syria are really bad.

Will bombing make things worse?
Of course. That's how ISIS started. When people lose their homes, lose their family, they get angry. And they need to put their frustration somewhere. And this is where it starts. Then things like Paris happen. It'll lead to more violence.

Barney, Sam, and Ifti Shah from the Revolutionary Communist Group

[Owen Jones finishes his speech on the podium]

VICE: Do you like Owen Jones?
Ifti Shah: He's a problem. He's an apologist for imperialism. He hasn't said once that Britain is the cause of all these global problems. He hasn't once talked about capitalism. He hasn't once talked about racism. He's just playing his part in the mainstream bullshit politics that this country is a professional at disseminating. Fuck this man! Fuck Britain! Fuck the British state!

Sam: Owen just quoted Einstein who said: "The definition of insanity is doing the same thing again and again and expecting different results." So he's attributing to the British state the assumption that it's trying to solve the problem by bombing ISIL and Syria. The implication is Britain is just getting it wrong and they expected it to work.

What are Britain's real motivations?
They don't give a shit about the people of the Middle East. They want to control the region.

Georgia, from New Cross

VICE: Why are you here?
Georgia: Just because I think we're making the same mistake we've made a million times. It's just repetition, repetition, repetition. I don't understand it.

So how do we defeat ISIS?
Not through bombing. Things have gotten way worse since we started bombing. We're already bombing in Iraq. I don't understand the logic of bombing for peace.

Some protesters

Zuhair came with her two children. She is Syrian. She did not want to be photographed.

So you think Syrians don't want more Western bombs?
Zuhair: Absolutely. We don't want another war. We saw what happened in Iraq and Afghanistan and everywhere, and we don't want another war. The war will not sort out ISIS.

What do you think of the way Jeremy Corbyn's handled his response? He's looking to grassroots support like this to oppose the war.
I think it's absolutely fantastic. We all have to stand by him. I think he has a big challenge in parliament and I'm absolutely with him. We need to support him more and educate people more so they know what war is about. We have a lot of evidence that war doesn't sort out the problem at all.

Was it important that your children came here too?
Absolutely. It's very important for them to see what's happening. They are too small to understand. They are very young. But they need to see. They have cousins in Syria. And they need to see what is happening.

Follow Yohann on Twitter.

Follow Chris on Twitter.


Is Winnipeg at the Forefront of Canada’s Aboriginal Film Scene?

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Justina and Jenna Neepin, while filming their documentary Bayline. Photo supplied by Jenna Neepin

There's an Ojibway belief that "star children" will descend from the sky in the people's time of need—an aspect of ancient oral teachings and sky stories about communication between mortals and the spiritual world, according to filmmaker Sonya Ballantyne. "Sorta like how Superman came to Earth and ended up helping out," she said.

The legends of super-powered guardians who protect earthlings from danger is central to Crash Site, her short film about a girl from the reserve struggling to fit in the big city. With its Superman-esque plot and flashy comic book graphics, the film is playing in festivals from Adelaide, Australia, to San Diego, California, and at last week's Winnipeg Aboriginal Film Festival.

The success of the roughly $15,000 production won praise from fellow emerging filmmakers gathered at the Winnipeg Film Group one evening late in October for the one-year anniversary of the Aboriginal Film Collective.

"I want us to make Winnipeg an Aboriginal Bollywood," Ballantyne, a 29-year-old director said during a round of introductions that evening. Co-hosted by filmmaker Roger Boyer, the group had been meeting for a year to discuss ideas, get support for productions, and make contacts. At Ballantyne's comment, the up-and-coming writers, actors and cinematographers chuckled and shared knowing glances. Having grown from less than 10 filmmakers a year ago to a regular group of 45, with women directors at the fore, the group was planning its first film together—a horror.

Ten years ago, the scene looked a lot different. Only one film by an Aboriginal filmmaker appeared in the catalogue of the Winnipeg Film Group. That reflected trends nationwide. A report by imagineNATIVE found that although Indigenous film grew, and is successful in documentary, only five in 310 feature films funded by Telefilm Canada between 2008-2012 were made by Aboriginal filmmakers. Indigenous filmmakers said they had difficultly getting funding because they had to navigate cultural misconceptions about their content and market.

Sonya Ballantyne. Photo by Whitney Light

To be sure, Winnipeg boasts successful Aboriginal production houses. APTN made its headquarters here, after all. But that the Film Group, a breeding ground for industry talent generally, is seeing so much activity from Aboriginal filmmakers marks something new. Their first film, a suspenseful seven-minute comedy called Dude Vs Dude, has taken on a somewhat legendary status at the film group, said executive director Cecilia Araneda.

"It's kind of a guy-pal movie. It's not the most sophisticated film, but it foreshadows some elements that we're seeing in films by Aboriginal filmmakers now," she said, noting their affinity for narrative storytelling and genre films, especially comedy.

For some, the drive toward these types of films comes from growing up with media that narrowly cast Aboriginal roles and lacked realistic or admirable characters to identify with.

"I'm making films for the nerds back home who don't have people to look up to," Ballantyne said. As a kid growing up on the reserve in Grand Rapids, Manitoba, she found herself identifying with the characters of Star Trek, Will Smith in The Fresh Prince, and The Hobbit, who she imagined was a native person.

"North of 60 was like my life already, so why the hell would I watch it?" she said of the perennial CBC show set in the Northwest Territories.


Still from Crash Site supplied by Sonya Ballantyne

Her tomboy taste in books and comics often didn't win family or social approval in the small northern community, so Ballantyne jumped at a chance to attend university in Winnipeg, first as a psychology student, and later as a film major. She also attended New Voices at the National Screen Institute, a talent incubator program founded by veteran Aboriginal producer Lisa Meeches that is producing many ambitious young artists. Now Ballantyne is writing her next film, tentatively titled WWShe, about small-town sisters who start a pro-wrestling enterprise.

"My films are not Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee," Ballantyne says, "but they're important stories that need to be told, because they show us as modern people, and we're surviving."

Of course, survival as a filmmaker is tough for anyone. Justina and Jenna Neepin, a sister team from Thompson, Manitoba, who make narrative dramas and documentaries, explain that their writing is often a pragmatic attempt to get funding and thus put Aboriginal talent on crew and set.

With their short drama Mark, in which a romantic encounter at a bus stop takes a deadly turn, Jenna Neepin, 30, said "we were just trying to think of a dynamic film that would catch and grab people." After the pitch won the 2012 RBC Emerging Filmmakers Contest, the film played at the 2013 Gimli Film Festival, among others. Next month, Jenna Neepin will participate in the Aboriginal Filmmaker Fellowship at the Whistler Film Festival to get advice on their next dramatic short.

"What we've found is that although Aboriginal artists complete emerging programs, there's no jobs for them after they graduate," said Justina Neepin, another New Voices program graduate who now works at Animiki See Digital Productions. "This is a career, it's not just art."

Justina Neepin. Photo supplied by Jenna Neepin

The New Voices program has aimed to impart that business-minded approach. Over 100 filmmakers have taken part since it was founded 12 years ago, and most graduates still work in the industry, said Ursula Lawson, manager of programs and development at the National Screen Institute.

As an indicator of how much the film scene has changed, Lawson said, most participants come to the program these days with film experience and credits. Twelve years ago, most had none.

"It's a huge difference. There's a generation that's more confident now," said Lawson, noting the predominance of women artists. "I can see it growing."

At the same time, this generation is evidently striking a balance between personal artistic vision and a sense of responsibility to tell stories about the Aboriginal experience in Canada.

But if there is a tension between those things, it's a creative challenge rather than barrier. "I don't feel it in a negative way. I feel I have a privilege to share these stories," said Métis filmmaker Madison Thomas, 24. Her debut feature film, This Is Why We Fight, is a post-apocalyptic drama about the struggle for survival in a barren Winnipeg of 2042.

"Young people today need representation in media. We have a responsibility to reflect our society as it actually is," Thomas said, referring to the need for diversity in crews and casts, not a restriction on roles and stories. Born and raised in the Winnipeg's North End, Thomas recalls feeding her fascination for sci-fi.

Still from Mark supplied by Jenna Neepin

"My parents didn't have a lot to spare. It fostered the imagination," she said. "If it had aliens and spaceships, I was all over it. That spills over into my writing."

While there's no doubt Winnipeg is still playing catch-up with Montreal and Toronto to develop its Aboriginal film scene, as is often the case for artists in this city. But that means opportunities to leap into fields that few others are working in and a sense that defining the scene is not only possible but necessary.

"There were no other females on the scene at the time I started making music videos ," said filmmaker Jody-Leigh Pacey, 28. "I wanted to show that native women could do it too."

Her work with rap group Skelpa Squad merited a Best Rap Video nomination at the 2010 Canadian Aboriginal Music Awards. Now working with hip-hop crew Foreign Objekts, she is making a video that deals with missing and murdered women and cyberbullying. And she said she's also experimenting with horror, citing Sam Raimi of Evil Dead fame as a favourite director. "It's fun," she said. "I'm learning how to write scripts to just make reading them scary."

Indeed, horror is hot right now, buoyed by the recent success of Roger Boyer, co-host of the Aboriginal Film Collective, with his film Dark Forest—tagline: "their camping trip turns into a fight for survival"—which crowdsourced funds well above expectations and went on to an extended run at a downtown cinema.

"People might think of Aboriginal film as Smoke Signals, Dance Me Outside, or Dances with Wolves, but it can mean different things to different people," said Jaydon Ono, 20, an actress in Crash Site and comedy writer.

"I want to bring Aboriginal humour, faces and voices to the screens of people who might not normally see it," she said. To that end, Ono is writing a comedy script she describes as the Aboriginal Clerks, referring to Kevin Smith's breakout film made on a shoestring budget.

Eventually, the Winnipeg Film Group wants to see 10 percent of local film directors coming from the Aboriginal community. "It should reflect the society we live in," Araneda said, referring to the city's census demographics. With these women and others working, it may happen yet.

Follow Whitney Light on Twitter.

How Urban Gardening Can Save Black Communities

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All stills from 'Can You Dig This.'

Before the urban farming boom—even before Michelle Obama popularized the phenomena of "food deserts"—there was Ron Finley—a man who calls himself a "gangster gardener," and who started urban gardening on the strip of dirt outside his home in South Los Angeles. In 2013, it was Finley who convinced the LA City Council, after years of debate, to allow fruit and vegetable plots on public parkways.

Los Angeles-based filmmaker Delila Vallot heard about Finley's efforts, and decided to dig past the rhetoric to see if urban gardening was delivering on the hype. Her journey through the gardens of LA's neediest neighborhoods culminates this week in a new documentary, Can You Dig This, which will be available on VOD Tuesday. The documentary, which features Finley, follows four residents of South LA: two 20-somethings who join the Compton Community Garden, a halfway house resident who learns to garden, and an eight-year-old girl who turns her garden into a money-making venture. As each of the subjects struggle to overcome personal hurdles and systemic challenges in their communities, the film focuses on the small-scale victories they get from urban gardening.

On MUNCHIES: This Rooftop Garden Is Feeding Atlanta's Homeless

I spoke with Vallot and Finley about their vision for the film, the importance of having a hand in food production, and how gardening can be a seed for social transformation.

VICE: Delila, what inspired you to make this project?
Delila Vallot: I wanted to explore more about Ron, and his very cool diatribe about changing lives through planting seeds. I wanted to find out first-hand if that was real or not. Through the process of shooting him, I realized that while there were some people who knew him through this TED talk and all the buzz, there are a lot of people who might be encountering him for the first time. So what I wanted to do was see a day in the life of Ron, to have him talk to us as if you were going to someone's house that you really look up to, that you want to have an intimate conversation with. That was my idea as far as shooting Ron, and I wanted to have representatives of his ideas in the movie—actual test cases, if you will, who are examples of his message.

So how did you find those test cases? The film depicts four subjects at vulnerable points in their life, dealing with very difficult challenges.
Vallot: I did a lot of research. It took me at least six months to get to where people trusted me enough to start to open up for me to realize that they would be characters. I did spend a lot of time with gardeners in gardens, and a lot of time on the phone doing research.

One of the key things I learned while shooting the doc was that if I didn't open up about real stuff about my life, they had no reason to either. People don't necessarily want to be on camera, even though we think that they do. They didn't necessarily care—they have their lives to lead. It was about forging real friendships with people, and capturing those friendships.

"Billions and billions of dollars grow on trees every day. We need to have people realize that this apple you just grew is currency." — Ron Finley


By the end of the film, Quimonie—a young girl in the projects—isn't just helping her family eat better; she's helping pay the bills. Do you see the future of urban gardening as becoming a model for local businesses?
Ron Finley: No doubt. That's exactly where it's going. You're showing someone life skills, you're showing them how to take care of themselves, and you're showing them how you can grow resources. We've been taught all our lives that money doesn't go on trees—but it does. Billions and billions of dollars grow on trees every day. We need to have people realize that this apple you just grew is currency. It's not about being frivolous and getting your hands dirty—it's about changing people's lives and employing people. This is a way you can be self-sustaining. That's what to me this is about.

Watch: Hi-Tech Guerilla Gardening

What are some of the obstacles in trying to scale up gardens into businesses?
Finley: The biggest obstacle has been people. culture is not built for you to be sustainable, to be an entrepreneur. As far as I'm concerned, this culture's built for slavery. That's for everybody—I don't care what color you are. If you don't have a hand in your food, you're a slave. It's something that's so important to you, yet you're getting someone else to do it for you.

My thing is to change the culture so people realize how important this is, and to get people to have reverence for the soil, what comes out of it, and what goes into it. People don't want to get it because the current system serves them. Some people are happy with the status quo, some people are happy with being politically correct; I'm not. Being politically correct is what got us into this shit. It's time for people to be renegades; it's time for people to say, 'I'm tired of this, dude.' We gotta change this. I know a ten-year-old who is 300 pounds. It's not cool. It has to change.

Los Angeles has 26 square miles of vacant lots. Is there any kind of initiative to open that land for public use?
Finley: I would love to be able to do that, but this is LA, where land is a premium. Nobody's just trying to give it up. Hopefully some opportunities are developing, where we have the ear of some politicians that say they want to make it happen, and use this land to put people to work and change their lives. But something's gonna happen—if we have to take it, something's gonna happen.

Vallot: Is it the bureaucracy that's in the way?

Finley: Oh, totally. The bureaucracy injures everything. But the fact that we're all having this conversation says a lot. People are waking up and being inspired to know they can change their lives.

"You feed them this bullshit food every day, and then expect them to excel. How? They're not getting the nourishment for their bodies or their brains to develop." — Ron Finley

Many of the challenges the film's subjects are dealing with—from unemployment to being prejudicially targeted by law enforcement—intersect with concerns raised by Black Lives Matter activists across the country. Do you see urban gardening as a way that black communities can organize to remedy some of those problems?
Vallot: You'll notice in the film I really tried to leave everything with an inspirational message, because I feel like when we talk about things that are wrong and negative, that creates a recording in our brains and we keep going to a place where we're victims. So the idea was to leave it with all the positive things that gardeners can do, and bring up the fact that there aren't enough gardens in black neighborhoods, and that it does create community and all of its positive benefits. That will create more positivity, and that's a form of activism—passive activism—and that's what I stand behind. Well, Ron feels that it's not passive activism.

Finley: Why I do what I do is everything you just mentioned: the fucked up school systems, the bad food that they're feeding these kids, the lack of opportunity. African Americans are 13.2 percent of the US population. How the fuck are we 70 to 80 percent of the people who're in prison? That means I'm a crime machine, dude! I'm robbing this person, I just broke into this house, and I'm assaulting someone and stealing their car if those numbers make any fucking sense whatsoever. They don't! People are waking up and seeing that, man. These kids don't even know that they're being set up, from birth. You feed them this bullshit food every day, and then expect them to excel. How? They're not getting the nourishment for their bodies or their brains to develop. How are they supposed to compete with kids in Japan, or Spokane, Washington? They can't. You're telling me that they don't know this? You're telling me this isn't by design?

Vallot: We're talking about breaking the cycle. And it does sound overly simplistic, but by surrounding ourselves with a lot of healthy greens, beautifying our neighborhoods, and doing something that is actually feasible—planting a seed in the ground—I saw people's lives changing. When I went into the garden on Long Beach Boulevard, which is filled with prostitution, drug dealing, and all that stuff, I saw that that garden was an oasis, and you really do feel safer there. It's something that really does create change.

Can You Dig This premieres on VOD December 1.

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The Artist Making Hair a Political Issue for Black British Women

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Selina Thompson on the set of her show 'Dark and Lovely'

This article originally appeared on VICE UK.

"Hair is just hair." Selina Thompson has repeated this six or seven times to 40 assembled strangers before they have to be prompted to turn it into a chorus. "OK, you're not really getting it, are you?" she says, cajoling us to join her in what quickly becomes to feel like part of a ritual. Hair is just hair. Hair is just hair.

But nine years ago in a bathroom in Erdington, Birmingham, her hair wasn't just her hair. When a 16-year-old Thompson looked at herself in the mirror and decided the only solution for her heat-battered afro, damaged after years of exposure to home relaxers, was to buzz the whole lot off, hair wasn't just hair. Nor was hair just hair when her mother sobbed and her dad shut down and refused to engage with his freshly-sheared daughter.

"I was just so confused," she tells me once she's emerged from the tumbleweave of hair-extensions that forms the set of her one-woman show Dark and Lovely—an exploration of how hair informs ideas of race, gender, and beauty. "Watching all these reactions happen around me. I couldn't understand it. My dad's reaction was the most difficult one to deal with, he was just so angry. But I didn't regret it, just because I'd been so deeply unhappy with the state of my hair before."

The "hair is just hair" motif is Thompson's response to some of the reception that early scratches of Dark and Lovely received, mostly from people who couldn't fathom why it was a subject worthy of the kind of ceaseless attention the Leeds-based artist has shown it over the last two years. The answers are condensed into just under two hours of stories gathered from the floors of hair salons in ordinary working class black communities, where the politics of what it means to be a black woman come resoundingly to life.

Thompson began putting her material together by spending time in hair salons, with barbers and black hair in beauty shops in the Chapeltown area of Leeds, finding that the best way to get under the skin of these places was to muck in and help out. "I found that by going in with a notepad and a dictaphone people became stressed-out and didn't want to speak to me. So instead I would just spend the day working there.

"I learned a lot about what it is to be black and British, and the multiplicity of that. I learned about how, for these women, getting their hair done is a moment of community and bonding and almost a spiritual time to be shared between people. But I also learned about times when it is exposing and revealing of deeper and darker tensions within the black community."

The centerpiece of Thomspon's show—a seven-foot-high igloo of hair extensions decked-out with a barber's chair and the odd photo—is where she creates a momentary community that brings her audience right into the bosom of the black lives that she's explored.

The scene inside is unflinching in its purity for the way it generates spontaneous and real conversation between Thompson and her audience. For those familiar with her reference points—the night I attend in Sheffield, black women make up about half of those in the audience—it provokes a hum of knowing laughter and uninvited but welcome interruptions as her stories tap into the fabric of lives led.

For those in the audience who didn't grow up with the unusual pressures that black hair places on its bearer, the tumbleweave is a place where facts and stats—and Thompson has plenty—morph into real people and real experiences. For example, L'Oreal estimates that black women spend six times as much on their hair as any other ethnic group; women in the UK spend £5.2 billion on their hair, 80 percent of which is spent by black women despite the fact they make up fewer than 3 percent of the population.

Some of the stories Thompson tells are domestic and simple. Others are more layered. "There's a story about a little white girl" she tells me, "who comes back from holiday and goes into school with cornrows. She's told that the cornrows aren't suitable for the school environment so her parents write in and ask why.

"They point out that there are black girls who also have their hair in cornrows. The teachers say that the school makes allowances for other people's cultural heritage, but the little girl's hair is too urban so she can't wear them in cornrows. I think about that story a lot. There's so much going on but I can't quite unpick it."

Hair is not just hair; it is more. It's a kind of shorthand for black experiences lived out in a white world. A world where an 18-year-old student has to travel to the other side of a new city just to find the kind of products that her hair needs, passing dozens of chain outlets en route. It's not necessarily a story of victims and oppressors, but one of a young girl who wonders why she has to give up an afternoon to attain basic convenience.

"You can't undo 400 years of damage with a hundred years of trying really hard," says Thompson. "For centuries black hair was 'othered' and talked about really aggressively as if it was fur or wool. The changes we make to it are all about changing the texture to make it look a bit more like Caucasian hair, and that throws up so much to do with race and beauty politics and who is and who isn't beautiful, and the cultural value that goes with that.

"At the other side of all that black hair is still 'other,'" Thompson continues. "It's the complete opposite end of the beauty spectrum."

Even after two hours of careful exploration it's clear that this is a complex issue. To reduce the process that Thompson and millions like her have gone through to "a struggle" seems too bleak, and it denigrates an experience which seems to be at the heart of black female identity.

"I hope that if and when I have kids that I would surround them with lots and lots of imagery of afro-hair that was not just beautiful but also cool." She laughs, and it's the kind of laugh that gets in your ears and warms them up. "But it's hard to know what kids think is cool."

What We Know About the 'Very Weird' Planned Parenthood Shooting Suspect

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Robert Lewis Dear. Photo via Colorado Springs Police Department

On Friday afternoon, shots rang out at a Planned Parenthood facility in Colorado Springs. The suspected shooter holed up inside the clinic, and police arrived to a tense and bloody standoff that lasted five hours. Three people—a police officer, an Iraq War veteran, and a mother of two—were killed (and nine more were injured) before Robert Lewis Dear, 57, was convinced to surrender.

Though his motives remain hard to pin down, over the weekend a clearer picture of Dear took shape, one that adheres all too well to the familiar archetype of the aggrieved, troubled white man with a history of anger against women.

Dear's widely-reported statement to police that there would be "no more baby parts" seems to support the views of Vicki Cowart, president of Planned Parenthood of the Rocky Mountains, who told CNN she believes he "was motivated by opposition to safe and legal abortion." But Dear has reportedly said a lot of stuff to law enforcement while in custody, including, NBC News reports, some kind of mention of President Barack Obama.

Neighbors of Dear—who before moving to Colorado last year lived in a shack in the mountains of North Carolina that had no running water—have told the press he kept to himself, avoided eye contact, and rarely made sense when he spoke. "If you talked to him, nothing with him was very cognitive—topics all over place," his longtime neighbor James Russell told the Associated Press. Dear was the kind of guy you "had to watch out for," he added.

"He was a very weird individual. It's hard to explain, but he had a weird look in his eye most of the time," a neighbor who wished to remain anonymous told the Washington Post.

But neighbors there said abortion, politics, and religion didn't really come up when talking with Dear, even if he "complained about everything," as another neighbor put it. Dear sounds paranoid and hermit-like, and apparently believed everyone was out to "get him."

"It was very crazy," the former neighbor told the Post.

Last year, Dear bought a $6,000 chunk of land in Hartsel, Colorado, and parked a trailer on it. A neighbor, Zigmond Post Jr., lived about a quarter mile away, and recalled one brief but odd run-in with Dear, which occurred after Post's dogs ran onto Dear's property. "We got the dogs back and everything and as we were getting ready to leave he handed us some anti-Obama pamphlets and told us to look over them," Post told Reuters.

Another Colorado neighbor told the New York Times that Dear "preferred to be left alone," though was apparently living with a girlfriend prior to the incident. The paper visited with Dear's ex-wife, Pamela Ross, who told them he was born in Charleston, South Carolina, and grew up in Louisville, Kentucky. Dear's father, who passed away in 2004, was a graduate of the Citadel, and served in the Navy during World War II. Ross told the Times Dear "was not obsessed with politics" and, though he believed abortion was wrong, "it was never really a topic for discussion." (The paper also reported that Dear apparently "sought partners for sadomasochistic sex" online.)

The "baby parts" Dear referred to while in custody is perhaps a vague reference to video tapes, recorded secretly by an anti-abortion group called Center for Medical Progress. In the videos, which were released this summer, employees of Planned Parenthood are depicted discussing the body parts of aborted fetuses, which they were looking to sell for research. Though analysis has proved the videos to be altered and largely deceptive, they stoked much outrage, even among Republican presidential candidates. The defunding of Planned Parenthood has been hotly debated since the tapes have been made public, and Congress may vote on the question when deciding whether to fund the government in a matter of days.

Planned Parenthood operates more than 700 clinics in the United States, and bills itself the largest provider of reproductive health services in America. In 2013, they saw an estimated 2.7 million patients, 80 percent of whom came in for low-cost birth control prescriptions or screening for sexually transmitted diseases. The group is also the country's largest provider of abortion, but even though it is federally funded, tax dollars are not spent on abortion services as part of a Reagan-era budget compromise.

Records show Dear has had several run-ins with the law over the years, and in the past he's been accused of being a "peeping Tom," domestic violence—his ex-wife declined to press charges—and was charged with two counts of animal cruelty. He is currently being held without bond by the El Paso County Criminal Justice Center, and was set to make his first court appearance on Monday afternoon, where he will face state murder charges. Justice Department officials are also reportedly weighing the possibility of federal charges for Dear, which could be feasible under the 1994 Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act. That law makes it a crime to injure or intimidate reproductive health clinic patients and employees.

Follow Brian McManus on Twitter.

This post will be updated as more information becomes available.

The Guy Who Bought the Stephen Harper Nude Painting is a Legend

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We need this painting. Photo via Kijiji

The infamous nude painting of former prime minister Stephen Harper that sparked a bidding war when it was listed on Kijiji last week has been sold, and the buyer is kind of a legend.

Frederick Ghahramani, a BC-based technology entrepreneur who made headlines in October for his million-dollar contribution in the fight against repealing Bill C-51, is now the owner of the only nude painting of the former Conservative Party leader, according to an email received by VICE from previous owner Danielle Potvin.

The painting was previously listed for $8,800, but news about the painting prompted a bidding war among a myriad of buyers across the globe that included countries like the US and China.

Today, Ghahramani finalized the deal with Potvin for an unspecified amount. We spoke to him over the phone to figure out why he'd want a thing like this.

VICE: I did a little bit of research on you, but maybe in your own words, tell me a little bit about yourself and what you do.
Fred: Technically the word is entrepreneur, but I'm an engineer who's based in Vancouver, BC, and for 15 years or so I've been building companies. Mostly unsuccessfully, but occasionally with some success. I've been in the telecom and software industry in the last 15 years. Probably my biggest company is called AirG. I'm also an angel investor—I invest in various smaller tech companies, and some of them have actually become bigger than AirG.

I'm not a politician, I'm not a politically-involved person, but recently, I've reached I guess what you say is a midlife crisis, and in the last six months I've been paying more attention to the federal political level and I did get involved recently in the C-51 campaign. And I'm continuing to help various groups that are working to repeal that law because it is a pretty draconian non-Canadian law.

I definitely want to touch on C-51 in a little bit, but I first want to ask how you found out about the painting.
I think it was on VICE, actually! (Editor's note: We really wanted someone to buy this for us.) The first time I heard about it was a couple years ago when it made news, and then it kind of disappeared. But when I saw it was for sale, I had to jump at it. I'm actually very delighted that I won the bidding process and you know we beat out groups from China and the US and various parts of the world, and we did promise to keep the painting in Canada for at least the next 10 years. I don't see it leaving the country anytime soon. I'd like to spread it as far and wide as possible and share it at universities and schools or any gallery that wants to take it, because I'd be happy to share it with them. (Editor's note, part two: We have an open wall.)

This guy! Photo via Frederick Ghahramani

That's pretty awesome. What was your reaction when you saw the listing for the painting.
I couldn't believe it, I thought it was a scam. You can't trust anything you find on the internet, right? Anyway, I got in touch with I'm not really sure. It's funny because, well, let's just say my wife won't let me put on the wall, but all of my friends say he's not pudgy, he's swell! At the end of the day though, it's not about the way he looks. You have to move beyond just the literal. It's not about just throwing stones at Harper, I'm sure Harper's a great guy in person, but once he becomes prime minister and starts crossing the line by affecting policy that affects people, it's fair game to make political satire of him.

I think the key thing here is the context issue and I want to stress it. There's been some criticism that it's not nice, or, "Oh, well, it's disrespectful." There's always these people that can never see beyond the lines of obedience-level morality. Like, to some people, the Tiananmen Square guy walking in front of a tank was a jaywalking violation. To some people, they didn't get the bigger context. This scenario, it only works for Harper in this painting, because he's the one who silenced scientists, he's the one who told ministers not to talk. He focused the light on himself, and that's why it shines so bright in this painting.

Follow Jake Kivanc on Twitter.


What We Know About the Guy Whose Alleged Mass Murder Threat Shut Down the University of Chicago Monday

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Photo via Wikimedia Commons user Leefon.

Amid the ongoing tensions surrounding the indictment of a Chicago police officer in the 2014 murder of 17-year-old Chicago high school student Laquan McDonald, a student at University of Illinois at Chicago has been arrested for allegedly making online threats to "rid the world of white devils." According to reports, the student, Jabari Dean, posted extremely specific messages online about bursting on to the nearby campus and executing 16 white people—one for each police bullet fired at McDonald on October 20, 2014.

According to the Chicago Tribune, the following unambiguous threat was included in a comment posted on WorldStarHipHop.com, below a movie clip about Black Panthers preparing to kill police, and it was initialed "JRD":

This is my only warning. At 10 a.m. on Monday morning, I'm going to the campus quad of the University of Chicago. I will be armed with an M-4 carbine and two desert eagles, all fully loaded. I will execute approximately 16 white male students and or staff, which is the same number of time McDonald was killed.

The comment was apparently discovered online over Thanksgiving weekend by a New York resident who forwarded the information along to the FBI. On Sunday night, the University of Chicago had received word of the threat, and announced that the campus would be closed Monday. The FBI apparently tracked Dean down through his ISP and made the arrest on Monday morning.

Limited information has been released about Dean. The 21-year-old was arrested "without incident," according to a press release by the Department of Justice. According to his Linkedin profile, Dean studies electrical engineering at the University of Illinois, and attended to Hirsch Metropolitan High School on Chicago's South Side.

Federal prosecutors say that Dean, who appeared in court on Monday, is not considered a threat, because he lacked the resources—presumably weapons—to make good on his threats. He will be allowed to return to his mother's house, where he lives, on Tuesday.

The arrest comes in the wake of protests over McDonald's murder. Last Wednesday, a Chicago police officer Jason Van Dyke was charged with first-degree murder in the case. Footage was released showing the police officer emptying a clip into McDonald, who is seen jaywalking, then being shot in what is apparently continuous gunfire that persisted long after he is seen lying on the ground, limp. McDonald had allegedly attacked a police car while on PCP.

With the help of the Fraternal Order of Police, Van Dyke was able to post bail Monday, and was expected to leave jail later this evening.

Dean now faces federal charges of making a "threat in interstate commerce," a charge that usually accompanies terrorism cases. However, the court filing in the case says Dean's alleged crime carries a five-year maximum penalty, so it's by no means clear that federal prosecutors plan to pursue terrorism charges in this instance.

Earlier in November, after two faculty firings at the University of Missouri, a student posted a similar threat on Yik Yak, saying "I'm going to stand my ground tomorrow and shoot every black person I see." A suspect, Hunter Park, was arrested and charged with making a terrorist threat.

Follow Mike Pearl on Twitter.

Inside the Carthage Film Festival After the Tunis Suicide Bombing

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A member of the Tunisian security forces stands guard as journalists gather at the visitors entrance of the National Bardo Museum in Tunis on March 19, 2015, in the aftermath of an attack on foreign tourists. Photo by AFP/Fethi Belaid

Last week, the Carthage Film Festival was thrown into turmoil when a suicide bomber killed 12 members of the Tunisian Presidential Guard. The bombing took place in the downtown district housing the cinemas where Africa's oldest film festival was taking place. The next day ISIS claimed responsibility for the attack, as they had done in the past month when bombing a Russian passenger jet in Egypt, and attacks in Beirut and Paris.

The suicide bomber struck while I was on the flight to Tunis to attend the festival. "We have been attacked," were the first words I heard as I landed at the airport. The words were spoken in a grave voice by the communications director of the festival, who had come to meet me at the airport. Her second words were, "You're going to stay, right?" I nodded. Her phone was ringing off the hook with guests canceling visits, and others asking if they could leave Tunis. She said we had to take separate cars to the hotel.

The drive from the airport to the hotel was an eerie affair. Hardly anyone was out, and the only vehicles on the streets were parked police cars that acted as blockades stopping us from getting to the hotel. A curfew had been set for 9 PM, and we had already missed it. The driver snaked through the streets looking for a path to the hotel. Every couple of blocks, he would get out of the car to chat a few words in Arabic before returning to the car and driving on until he reached a barricade, where the police would let us past. At one barrier, there were no police, only another vehicle, and both drivers seemed to stare each other down until we moved on. A few minutes later, the driver's mother called, demanding he return home. It felt as though I was in some desolate town in a Western, not heading to Africa's oldest film festival.

Can a film festival take place at the time of curfew? Behind the scenes, the organizers had already made their decision. The show would go on.

At the hotel door, the fact that the security guard was the size of a Bond henchman, offered no comfort. Nor the three young men carrying guns, with "police" emblazoned across their jackets.

The tension evaporated when I saw the magnificent beard that drops like a bat from the chin of Tarzan Nasser, or it could've been his co-director, his identical twin brother Arab. He was sitting with the great Palestinian actress Hiam Abbass, the star of their film Dégradé.

I couldn't help but chuckle over the fact that we were living out the plot of Dégradé, which tells the story of several women in a hair salon who are almost oblivious to the mini-war that is going on outside. In the hotel lobby, however, the director was just staring forward with an expression that seemed to say, "I can't get away from this shit."

The lobby bar was bustling because no one had anywhere else to go. The conversation between the badge-wearing collection of filmmakers, actors, producers, staff, and journalists was mostly about cinema, sprinkled with the odd comment about the bomb. We learned that a month-long state of emergency had been called by the government. No one in the lobby was certain if the festival would still carry on.

Can a film festival still happen when there's a curfew in place? Behind the scenes, the organizers had already made their decision. The show would go on. Sami Tlili, the artistic director in charge of selecting feature films, was busy rewriting the schedule for movies that he had been poring over for months.

"A lady said to me that any other film festival would have stopped," Tlili told me. "But we didn't want to be defeated by terror. We spent the whole night rewriting the schedule so that we could screen the films in the hours when there is no curfew, trying to make sure we showed every film that was in the selection at least once."

One of those films was Much Loved, a film about Moroccan sex workers that was banned in its homeland after its world premiere in Cannes. The lead actress Loubna Abidar was recently beaten up by extremists in Casablanca, then said she was ignored by the police when she went to report the crime. She claimed the police said that it was just desserts for her performance. Fearing for her safety, she moved to France.

Yet Tlili argued that the film wasn't programmed as a political statement, even if the choosing of the film had come to been seen as such. "The polemic that occurred around the film and in Cannes didn't come into our decision of playing the film. We chose it because of the cinematic merits. Of course we know other Arab countries refuse to show the film, but they have their own criteria and we respect their decision."

The desire not to be defeated was apparent when two days after the bomb, Much Loved played to a full house. The street was packed with attendees and fans, several straining to take photos to post on social media, celebrating free speech and open discussion. This was the event of the festival, the best rebuke to the terrorists, an appreciation of a film that shows sex workers operating in an Islamic country that doesn't try to hide their existence. It's hard to imagine that there has been a more meaningful and exhilarating screening of a film anywhere else this year. The crowd breathed pathos.

VICE Talks Film: Talking to Director Joshua Oppenheimer About 'The Look of Silence':

The decision to be the first country in the Arab world to play Much Loved is in keeping with Tunisia's position as arguably the most liberal Arab country today. After all, it was in Tunisia that the Arab Spring began in December 2010, after the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi sparked a series of demonstration that toppled President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Inspired, Tunisia's neighbors followed suit, although many have since headed into the arms of warlords.

Despite—or perhaps because of—its position as the only Arab Spring country that has made the transition from dictatorship to constitutional democracy, Tunisia has already faced two major terrorist attacks this year. In March, three ISIS-affiliated gunmen shot visitors at the Bardo National Museum, killing 22. In June, a gunman killed 38 tourists on a beach in Sousse. Yet even here the Tunisian people showed their desire for democracy, when a dozen locals and workers at the hotel, formed a human barricade, challenging the gunman to shoot them first. The gunman turned away, saying, "I haven't come for you. Go away."

Parliamentary elections last year resulted in an Islamic country voluntarily relinquishing power to their secular opponents. The new constitution incorporates the Islamic heritage and secular liberal freedoms. Notably, the constitution even guarantees equal rights for women, a fact noted by Michael Moore in his new film Where to Invade Next, in which he contrasts Tunisia's progressive gender politics, especially its high number of female parliamentarians, with the paltry situation in the United States.

The decision to continue with the festival was a fitting way for the Carthage Film Festival to celebrate its 50th anniversary. The festival screened a broad spectrum of films from around the world, with a focus on Argentina and Italy this year, as well as showcasing the best in regional cinema.

On the night of the bombing Alayan was disappointed that the 9 PM screening of his film was cancelled. "Maybe it's because I live in occupied Palestine," he said. "I was even ready to go to my screening that night."

Yasmine Mustafa, the editor of The Council , a documentary about students running for elections at the UNRWA school in Jordan, was walking to her screening when the bomb hit. She had to be asked repeatedly to return to the hotel before she eventually decided to return. She called the cinematographer who was already at the cinema. "I was told that the screening carried on," she explained. "So I would like to have been there, but they cancelled all the Q&As that were to take place after the screenings."

It's fair to say that in the nights after the bomb, some cabin fever set in at the hotel. The same faces, the same dinner, no movies to invigorate us. Yet the conversation remained lighthearted. Keeping the tone joyful was Muayad Alayan, the Jerusalem-based director of Love Theft and Other Entanglements, about a petty Palestinian thief who steals a car with an Israeli soldier in the trunk.

On the night of the bombing, Alayan was disappointed that the 9 PM screening of his film was cancelled. "I didn't even think that it was in question whether the festival would carry on," he said. "Maybe it's because I live in occupied Palestine. I was even ready to go to my screening that night."

Also, with a smile constantly on her face and a glittering jumpsuit, is Hind Shoufani, director of Trip Along Exodus, who made a film about Palestinian politics through the years, told through the eyes and writing of her father Dr. Elias Shoufani, a member of the Palestinian Liberation Organization. Because of the time constraints, the film festival cancelled post-screening Q&As, but like many at the festival, she held a Q&A in the cinema lobby instead.

I spoke with British producer Georgina Paget, who came to the festival with her film Queens of Syria, about female Syrian refugees who performed their own version of The Trojan Women while in Jordan.

"I'm here with a documentary film that shows the human spirit triumphing over adversity and that highlights the power of art and creativity to unite and heal," Paget said. "But this year the festival itself has been testament to that. It's been truly amazing to see the way that the organizers, film makers and audiences have made sure that it's been art, and not violence, that's triumphed in Tunis."

Follow Kaleem on Twitter.


VICE Vs Video Games: ‘Xenoblade Chronicles X’ Is 2015’s Most Eye-Popping Open-World Game

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Nintendo's Wii U hasn't had the easiest of rides in 2015. Great games have emerged—Super Mario Maker and Splatoon from Nintendo itself, plus indie productions like the definitive version of Year Walk and Affordable Space Adventures—but there have been notable absences. The desperately wanted new Zelda game has been pushed to next year with barely a meaningful update since E3 2014, and Star Fox Zero, while a little shaky in previews, has also slipped to 2016. Which puts extra pressure on Xenoblade Chronicles X, the spiritual sequel to 2010's highly acclaimed Xenoblade Chronicles for the Wii, to be the big-budget game for Wii U owners to gather around this holiday season, and to shift a few more consoles at the same time.

Monolith Soft's newest massive-scale RPG kicks off with the not-so-distant-future destruction of Earth. That's inside the first few seconds: this world of ours, vaporized. And it's not even our fault. Bummer. Some humans escape into the stars, though, and we ultimately crash land on the planet of Mira and set about making it home. The ship that's carried all that's left of the human race to this wild and wonderful world, the White Whale, becomes the city of New Los Angeles (yes, really), which serves as your base for the entire game. How this surprisingly well-established urban sprawl is portrayed sets the tone for everything that's to come, with a strange approximation of American culture skewed through a very Japanese sci-fi lens.

Your personalized player character is rescued from an escape pod by a military captain called Elma, who very quickly imposes herself as the main protagonist of the story (which is, basically: Establish humanity in its new home while also protecting it from an alien menace that I'm pretty sure could be sorted with a healthy smack by a hardback book). It's through her orders and directions that you first see Mira in its imposing size and at times breath-taking beauty – this is exemplary world building, environments dazzling in their variety and inventiveness. Everything is completely bizarre while retaining an unlikely coherency—you believe that these locations do all fit together within an ecosystem, and that the native creatures, the "indigens," have evolved to suit their surroundings over too many years to count.

As realistically otherworldly as Mira is, though, the manner in which characters interact is rather less true to life as we know it, but fascinating all the same. In one post-combat scene I saw, two of the game's selectable squad members decide that they "should go shopping later"—this is the first thing that comes to mind once they're covered in giant insect gunk, looking like they've been through the Battle of Klendathu. Then again, those slacks might not be salvageable, even on a hot wash. In New LA, there's a shop that's called Army Pizza, seemingly dedicated to all those Americans who love carbohydrates and shooting guns. But like games before it, such as Binary Domain and Deadly Premonition, these odd, stilted NPC interactions and what they mean for the overall tone are actually rather endearing.

Your character is largely powerless to what plays out around him or her, remaining mostly silent. Elma makes the decisions, and this gives XCX a fly-on-the-wall perspective, as you're experiencing the plot through your team's actions. There's a core plot to see through, naturally, but Mira is so amazingly large that side-quests and the simple pleasure to be had in exploring can easily derail the main narrative. This isn't a problem—the game is open to play at any pace, and distractions can be investigated entirely guilt-free, with the story waiting for you whenever you're ready; that next almighty boss fight isn't going anywhere. Many open-world games claim to offer freedom, but XCX really does convey the impression that the player can do whatever they want.

As you venture across the five continents of Mira, the almost overwhelming scale of this game becomes apparent. Collectibles pepper the map, which is significantly bigger than The Witcher 3 and Fallout 4 combined, and gargantuan monsters wander around, owning the land they inhabit. These are the masters of this universe; you are a visitor at best, and a nuisance to be squashed if you don't step carefully. Cross the path of a larger beast, and you'd be wise to steer clear of a scuffle. Gigantic indigens are everywhere, and it can be frustrating to accidentally engage one only to see your party (of three or more) killed in a single hit, but that's what Monolith was going for. This world is one that you have to respect in order to overcome it, and those who don't will be crushed underfoot.

'Xenoblade Chronicles X', Battle Trailer

It's not alone in being slightly tarnished by them, but Xenoblade Chronicles X is plagued by fetch quests. They're the crux of both certain main missions and optional extras. At one point, I was tasked with finding three squashes in the middle of a desert continent—and this was somehow going to help me get a license piloting a Skell, one of the gigantic mechs you may have seen on the game's artwork (and that you see crash inside the first hour of the story). I spent four hours looking for those fucking things. There are also affinity missions, focusing on character relations, and these are dominated by fetch quests. It's backwards design, really, which a company like Monolith should be stepping away from after so many years in the business.

But when you do get yourself a Skell, it's a huge turning point for XCX. Not only does your means of traversing the world suddenly become a lot faster, but Mira becomes even bigger. Once the Skell is flight-ready, vertical exploration is possible, and you can visit places you could never reach while on foot. The Skells also change up combat—you're free to customize what skills you take into battle by buying them, making any previous character progression almost completely moot. By the end of the game what skills you're using on your Skell matter much more than what class you are.

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Watch VICE's film on the Mystical Universe of 'Magic: The Gathering'

Before then, combat is served in the same vein as an MMO, using cooldown-based action combined with a party-encompassing combo system, and it all works pretty well once you're used to not needing to actively trigger every single attack. Instead, you simply move to a new technique, and the game takes over. The classes you can choose from to build your party are all pretty standard—some focus on buffs, others are tanks, and certain allies are really just there to provide support. Your individual character progression looks a little bit different. You're able to level up each skill you use in battle and move up to a more advanced class, upgrading abilities and gear as you go along. Generally, there's enough going on in combat situations to keep you on your toes.

XCX is built upon a multitude of connected mechanics, from registering to a faction to maintaining arms manufacturers who you can fund by giving them your stock of the game's mineable currency, Miranium. These are almost completely unexplained in the game, though. I had to read the manual more than a few times just to get my head around everything—and when was the last time any of us had to read the manual?

New on Motherboard: A 'Minecraft' Player Is Recreating Studio Ghibli's Beautiful Worlds

While these obtuse systems are interlinked, the game's reliance upon them—and their somewhat muddled presentation, especially if you're coming cold to this series—leaves XCX at risk of crumbling under its own weight. Character progression doesn't work as it does in other (J)RPGs, and it can take a while for a really satisfying gameplay loop to emerge, one of risk set against reward, exploration against discovery. That will click, if you're willing to exercise a little patience, but I won't be surprised to read stories of players giving up on this game after a handful of confused hours. Personally, the simple fact that XCX is unlike anything else out there, regardless of genre, makes it a worthwhile time sink—the visuals are consistently impressive, and Hiroyuki Sawano's eclectic (to say the least) soundtrack is practically a character of its own. Persist with XCX and uniquely camp and pulpy vibes settle in, something I don't think exists in any other game released this year. Or last, or the one before that, and so on.

Console JRPGs have been stagnating for a while, so a firm shakeup like the one XCX delivers is more than welcome. It commands a huge time investment from the player, but unravelling the complexity of its world and ecology is almost endlessly entertaining. Its shortcomings can't be ignored, but the sheer scope of XCX, paired with its singular personality, qualifies this as a release that Wii U owners should take a chance on. After all, what other enormous open worlds does the console have on its side right now? And even if Zelda was out, you're never going to see Link zip around in one of these.

Xenoblade Chronicles X is released on December 4 in the UK and North America, a day later in Australia, and is exclusive to the Wii U. Japanese readers will already be familiar with the game—it came out there back in April.

Follow Sayem Twitter.

The Russian Girl Who Grew Up in a Garbage Dump

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Trailer for Something Better to Come

Ten-year-old Yula lives in Europe's largest trash dump, called Svalka, just 13 miles from the Kremlin in Putin's Russia. It's the only home she's known: Heaps of garbage, where Yula and her mother, Tanya, are forced to work for an illegally-operated recycling business. They're paid in denatured alcohol (a substance similar to rubbing alcohol). The residents drink and bathe in melted snow. They eat rotten food scraps and sleep on trash in makeshift huts. Their only connection to the outside world is through the garbage of others and the glimmering views of Moscow that can be seen from the dump.

Fourteen years of Yula's life there are chronicled in a documentary, Something Better to Come, by Oscar-nominated director Hanna Polak. The film—which one reviewer called "Boyhood from a trashcan"—follows Yula from age ten to 24, through family struggles, rampant alcoholism, and a teenage pregnancy. Polak's use of cinema verité creates an intimacy and immediacy between subject and viewer. As viewers, we don't just see life in the dump—we feel it, touch it, and experience it, as much as you can from the other side of a screen. With subtlety and patience, Polak gently reveals the horror and destitution of Yula's life and the lives of those around her. But most importantly, Polak teaches us that shared grief and despair can create the truest form of kinship and community.

The film makes its debut on HBO Europe on Sunday, as well as select screenings in the United States this week. I spoke to Polak about the creation of the film, the decision to follow Yula, and the astonishing changes she saw over their 14 years together.

VICE: You must have met hundreds of homeless people while making this film. What drew you to Yula?
Hannah Polak: She was outstanding in many different ways. You could immediately see that the camera liked her, that she is beautiful, that she has something really interesting in her face, in her eyes, something very strong, something very stubborn. I liked her immediately. I thought Yula and her mother Tanya were amazing because they really supported each other and were really close with each other, which does not often happen in these kind of difficult families. Often times, the parents are drinking, the children are alone, and they actually run away from those kind of abusive houses.

What was Yula's childhood like?
In Yula's case, she actually really did have strong relationship with both of her parents. She really loved her father, even though her father was very abusive. When she was a young child, he would send Yula to buy him vodka without giving her money. She would have to go around the small province where they were living and collect garbage and sell it. She would just have to go and find vodka otherwise she couldn't come back. So, you know, I think it's something on this emotional level—that they both have this capacity to be kind .

They accepted me very quickly, both Yula and Tanya, and they were very easygoing and they would tell me things. And I wanted to listen and I wanted to be there, but Yula whose fate was completely extraordinary.

Watch: Can Anyone Shut Down Greece's Volcano of Burning Garbage?

How did you relationship with Yula change over the course of 14 years? Were there any pivotal moments in your relationship?
She realized very quickly that she could trust me , because they knew that she felt safe when I was there. They said, "OK, you can film but just be there because we don't know if she is going to run away." So this is how I was able to observe the moment.

Yula was 15 years old when she got pregnant. She didn't really have any shelter, and I took her from the garbage dump to give birth. That was the moment she completely opened to me—she was completely frightened and searching for some kind of support in me and I felt that this was a moment when I finally understood many things about their life. This girl... It's not a film, it's a life.

Almost the entire film takes place in one of the largest garbage dumps in Europe, Svalka, which seems like a lawless dystopia. Who is in charge of Svalka and what are the politics of the place?
Svalka was opened in 1964 and is considered a military area because of the hazardous materials dumped there. There is a rumor that even radioactive waste from previous years is still buried in this ground. It's a huge mountain of trash, 14-stories high, stretching two miles long and one mile wide, surrounded by a fence. There are official staff workers, some of whom came up with an idea to open different kinds of businesses at the garbage dump, including recycling centers, but these businesses were not sanctioned and operated illegally. So, poor people come from all over to work at these illegal recycling centers where they collect recyclable materials and are paid with a small amount of money or vodka, which is not really vodka, but some kind of spirit. Many people are poisoned and die from this alcohol and the people in charge buy this alcohol for 30 cents and sell it for a dollar. It's become kind of a mafia situation, in which the people from the recycling centers beat someone who goes and works for another recycling center, and the people who are on the lowest level of this hierarchy suffer the most because they are paid pennies. They can be threatened, they can be killed. No one cares for their life and existence. So you can see that it's a huge business and there is an illegal market system in place.

It sounds almost like a micro-country with its own self-contained market system.
I think that was the most shocking thing for me—I found a country in the country. Normal country laws do not apply here, because there is this fence which is dividing this garbage dump from have no rights to call the police if something happens, so then in turn, they've created a situation in which there are all these illegal things going inside and there are no investigations.

There was this one case of a woman who nearly raped; she was stabbed with a knife many times. It happened sometime after I met her and I saw that she only had one eye. I asked her, "Marina, what happened?" and she said, "I was attacked with a knife in this rape attempt." She said in the beginning she could still see, but after a month, she wasn't able to see anymore. I asked her, "Why didn't you go to the hospital? Why didn't you call me?" And she said, "Do you think I could go to the hospital? Do you know that they would start an investigation here, a criminal investigation, and I would never be able to return here?" I couldn't believe it. She had no rights.

Had you seen things like that happening—the police investigating after someone sought help or medical attention?
Yes, this is something I observed so many times. The police would come from outside to burn the houses inside, beat the people, put them in prison, for not having documents.

Related: A Volcano of Garbage in the Arctic Has Been Burning For Eight Weeks

The film is very subtle with its social commentary. We only really hear about what's going on in Russia and the world outside of the dump via the broken-down radios and what the people in Svalka see on television. Why did you choose to mediate social commentary this way?
First of all, I didn't want to create a cliché about Russia. I love this country, and I don't want to be amongst the people who just blindly criticize everything, politicize everything. I am not an outsider who is trying to find a bleak subject and talk about the country; I want to tell the stories of these people. I'm sure that many Russian people have no idea about what is happening, because no one talks about these people.

There is also the fact that this is a universal story—it's not only in Russia, but everywhere in the world that we have homeless people. I included the radio parts to create a sense of time passing and history passing. Putin came to power in 2000, and I used his career to draw a small moment in the Russian history. There is some kind of context to this place.

How do you think this film can help the people living in Svalka?
I hope that it will evoke discussion. I hope the viewers will be inspired by Yula. I don't even see the film about the garbage dump—I see this as an inspiring story, that we all are able to change our life, to be kinder and nicer; show more love and appreciation and kindness.

Follow Catherine Lee on Twitter.

World Leaders Have Only One Goal at the Climate Conference in Paris

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United Nation Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon welcomes Barack Obama at the COP21 United Nations Climate Change Conference. Photo via Thierry Orban/Getty Images

On Monday leaders from nearly 150 nations gathered in Paris for COP21, or the Conference of Parties, an annual gathering that seeks to find global solutions to help get a handle on arguably the Biggest Bugaboo of our time, climate change. The conference is set to last just under two weeks, until December 11, and upon its conclusion the 195 countries and 40,000 delegates who made the trek to the French capital hope to have agreed upon something monumental. They have but one real goal: They seek a "legally binding and universal agreement" to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, "with the aim of keeping global warming below 2°C," according to COP21's website.

If the world isn't able to keep the temps from rising above the agreed upon 2 degrees Celsius the consequences could be disastrous. Many scientists project that warming above that target in the future would fundamentally alter our world, and would bring about long droughts, rising oceans, mass migration, and extinctions. It would render many cities on the Persian Gulf uninhabitable.

"Never have the stakes been so high," French President Francoise Hollande said in his speech to the gathered delegates on the first day of COP21. President Obama echoed those sentiments, and along the way quelled Chinese fears that such measures can't be taken without stalling the economy, pointing to economic growth in the United States over the last two years despite no growth in emissions. Chinese President Xi Jinping said that any agreement reached at the conference must account for the differences among the attending nations, saying countries should be allowed to seek their own solutions to cap emissions based on their own interest. China and America, the two largest producers of greenhouse gas, met on Monday at COP21 and vowed to continue to take strong action on climate change, a move which was met with praise in the form of a Tweet from former Vice President Al Gore.

British Prime Minister David Cameron asked the other world leaders amassed in Paris "what would we tell our grandchildren" if, in fact, they fail to agree on a robust climate deal? Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said his country would remain committed to the goals of COP21, and believes new technology will help the world reach them. Perhaps, of the many speeches given on COP21's first day, the one with the highest stakes came from Perry G Christie, prime minister of the Bahamas, who said failure to reach a binding agreement could spell the end of his country in total. As a result, he'd like to see a more aggressive plan, one that would not see the earth's temperature rise more than 1.5 degrees Celsius.

In other climate news out of Paris, Bill Gates is heading up a 20 billion dollar investment, along with 28 other backers, in clean energy. The group, called Mission Innovation, would be a public-private venture, marrying billionaire investors to governments because "the pace of innovation and the scale of transformation and dissemination remain significantly short of what is needed," as they put it in their launch statement. The money will be spent on technologies designed specifically to reduce greenhouse gas.

Reaching an agreement won't be easy, as past negotiations at COP have proven, and sticking to it may prove even harder. The proof there lies in the Kyoto Protocol. Reached at COP3 in 1997, it was designed to lower greenhouse emissions to 5 percent below 1990 levels between 2008 and 2012. But that protocol is a nonbinding one, which ultimately meant it didn't have the teeth to hold countries responsible when they couldn't keep to the goal. Beyond that, several large nations—Canada, India—were exempt from the agreement reached at Kyoto. The binding agreement of COP21 has been something conference organizers have been working toward for 20 years, and one that requires everyone to be on board. It's an important 12 days. Our future may depend on it.

Follow Brian McManus on Twitter.

VICE, QC: The Hunt for Shale Gas on Quebec's Deer-Infested Island, Anticosti

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Anticosti is nestled in the heart of the St-Lawrence gulf but it's on the front lines of a major environmental controversy. Despite Quebec's commitment to lowering greenhouse gas emissions at the Paris Climate Change Conference, the province seems rather tempted by the estimated 246 billion cubic feet and 12.3 million barrels of oil that could be extracted each year from Anticosti.

Petrolia has already gotten the green light from the province to begin exploratory fracking in early 2016 to find out if Anticosti really is as lucrative as estimates suggest. Some of the island's 200 residents are apprehensive that the thousands of wells will destroy their island, but with mounting unemployment and few prospects, many locals see the shale gas and oil project as their only option.

Meanwhile, 200,000 deer are freely wandering the island and adding another layer of complexity to Anticosti's ecosystem, making it a unique hunting ground in North America. VICE traveled to some of the most isolated drilling sites in Quebec to spend time with locals and find out how promises of gas and glory are affecting the tiny, hunting-based community.

Rent-Striking London Students Won Compensation for Their Crappy Housing

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Photo by Chris Bethell

The UK housing crisis spares only a lucky few, but a bunch of students at University College London (UCL) have just scored a victory that might give those struggling with crappy housing situations reason to be cheerful.

Student digs are traditionally dives, but earlier this year, Hawkridge House in Kentish Town, London, was basically turned into a loud building site with very little notification. There was often construction noise, even in exam times, and students were told not to open their curtains because there would be builders about, peering in. There were also sightings of rats and mice.

Pissed off students decided to do something about this, and in April held a rent strike—meaning they got organized and simply refused to cough up their rent. This led to threats from the university that they would be thrown out of their classes. VICE can now reveal that they have been awarded £300,000 in compensation. 238 students were each given £1,197 —equivalent to nine weeks' rent that they had demanded.

The university complaints panel unanimously declared UCL had "seriously failed" in its treatment of its students, saying management showed a "lack of empathy" in dealing with students' grievances whilst acknowledging conditions at Hawkridge House were "unacceptable."

This comes off the back of last month's announcement that students in other UCL accommodation had also won some compensation, too. Strikers at Campbell House were awarded over £100,000 in compensation for living in conditions described as "unbearable."

VICE has been given a first look at the campaign's announcement. The triumphant tone will presumably leave UCL's management a bit nervous. It says:

"UCL Cut the Rent—a directly-democratic, student-led campaign—believes this announcement further vindicates their established position that direct action and disruptive protests are extremely effective methods for holding unelected and powerful bodies to account. With compensation for striking students now in excess of £400,000, UCL-CTR believes that rent strikes will become an increasingly important tactic amongst the wider student movement."

I spoke to Angus O'Brien, the current UCL Union Halls and Accommodation representative, who told me that the victory feels, "really good, to be honest. It's been an incredibly long fight that started over seven months ago."

But there are no plans to let up now that the students have been compensated. "The relationship between students UCL in accommodation has completely changed. They're now a little bit running scared of the campaign and hoping that we don't do it again. But this is exactly what we want to do on a wider scale across the university and get affordable rent for all students."

UCL currently makes almost £16 million in profit from renting out accommodation. "That could fund a 45 percent rent cut for everyone," said Angus, adding that the campaign's demand is for a 40 percent cut to allow for maintenance work. "We think Hawkridge House and Campbell House will provide great examples for how we can take back control over our accommodation and access to education. If that leads to a rent strike it leads to a rent strike. But the students have the power to win this battle."

The longer-term goal is to abolish rent entirely, he said. "We'll get there one day."

Angus put the cost of rent into a wider context of universities trying to milk their students for every penny they can to make up for funding cuts: "Fighting against the rent increases can be the front line of the free education movement. If universities can't exploit students in other ways, they're going to have to go to the government and say, "we need free education—this isn't working."

According to the campaign's statement, the action continues this week:

"As the next stage of the campaign, UCL-CTR will be holding a rally at the university on Friday at 13:00 to demand an immediate 40 percent rent cut and the establishment of affordable rent prices for all those living in UCL student accommodation."

Angus reckoned the rent strike could provide inspiration for other people paying sky high rent to live somewhere awful: "Universities can provide a testing ground for housing actions. It's all the same landlord, students live in the same place, there's a social element to it. It would be much harder to do it across a city than in a university, which is why it's so important to do it in university. Once there's that example of housing action and collective action, that can be applied to a larger scale because people can see it's going to work."

I asked Angus what the students were going to do with the money. "I have no idea," he told me. "Hopefully booze and stuff but probably just more on rent."

Follow Simon on Twitter.

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