Interim Georgian President Nino Burjanadze, right, and the President of the US Committee on NATO, Bruce Jackson, talk to the press at a joint press conference after their meeting in Tbilisi in November 2003. Photo by BESO GULASHVILI/AFP/Getty Images
Last September, a man named Bruce Jackson hosted a party for his vineyard's 2014 wines at his 18th-century Chateau Les Conseillans, which sits in the rolling hills of Bordeaux. The afternoon before the party, he took some guests, among them a documentary filmmaker and a former colleague of mine, for a tour of the estate ground, wearing a bland blue suit that matched his mild, drab persona. With his short, carefully combed gray hair, he resembles the conservative columnist George Will, or any number of the people floating around Washington DC's interlocking social circles of foreign policy think-tankers, defense contractors, and lobbyists, which are in fact the exact circles he moves seamlessly in.
There was a smell in theair of grass, lilacs, and grapes from Jackson's vineyard, which includesa Merlot plot dating back to 1953. Much of the chateau itself was erected inthe 1700s, but it now boasts haute bourgeois furnishings with a2,000-square-foot kitchen (with brand new steel sinks and Swedish faucets). Theproperty includes a pine forest and an impeccable pool whose water appears adark, warm blue.
For the guests thatevening, there would be duck confit, crawfish canaps, and a three-piece jazzband.
"I like the quiet ofthe Bordeaux and the pace of the wine growing," Jackson said when asked about his new hobby while strolling through the $4 million estate, which is surrounded by springs and woods that are on France's list ofecologically protected sites (he purchased the land in 2011). "It's aslower-paced environment, and you get actually more thinking done."
My former colleague, hoping to prod Jackson on foreign policy, turned theconversation to Iraq, where that very day 17 people had been killed in bombingsand shootings and a mass grave containing the bodies of 15 truck drivers hadbeen discovered. That sort of bad day has been horrifically common since UStroops deposed Saddam Hussein in 2003, with the Islamic State recentlybeheading American journalists, conducting mass executions of Iraqi soldiers,and attracting recruits from across the West with horrific propaganda videos.
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Jackson has more historywith Iraq than your average rich-guy dilettante grape grower. The year beforethe US invasion, Jacksonthen a Lockheed Martin executivefounded, with encouragement from White House officials, a group called the Committee forthe Liberation of Iraq, which helped advocate for the war. He agreed to serve as the chairman of the board of the Committee, even though he lateracknowledged, in a 2007 Playboy interview, that at the time he"knew nothing about Iraq."
In the run-up to the IraqWar, top advocates forecast that the whole thing would be a"cakewalk" and swore up and down that they were motivated by aheartfelt desire to alleviate the suffering of the Iraqi people. SaddamHussein's ouster would only be a first step in "the reconstruction of Rumsfeld run the damn thing," he said. "He didn'ttalk to anybody, didn't talk to our allies."
UnlikeRumsfeld, George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, and other high-ranking officials whohave been blamed for the disaster of the Iraq War, no one has ever protestedagainst Jackson. There are few pictures of him online, and hardly anyone outside selectcorridors in DC seems to have paid him much mind. But the man has had a long,cushy career circulating in the halls of powerbanging the drums of war,profiting from foreign adventures, and playing a key role in NGOs that havepaid him and his loved ones generous salaries. He's a sort of neocon ForestGump who's been hanging out in government circles for decades, assisting withthe expansion of the ever-larger military industrial complex while amassing thekind of fortune that allows him to buy a vineyard in France and maintain anestate in DC.
He'snot uniquely rich or uniquely powerful or uniquely evil by the standards of thecrowd he runs with, but it's worth looking at the life and times of BruceJackson to see how one maintains power in DC, and what one does with thatpower.
Bruce Jackson's father wasan investment banker and senior CIA official who specialized in psychologicalwarfare; his mother was a socialite who would later marry a US Senator. Jacksongrew up thoroughly inside the Beltway and came of age during the Reagan years.By 1986, he was a military intelligence officer working in the Pentagon onnuclear weapons policy and renting a modest apartment at 1711 MassachusettsAvenue NW, according to public records and that year's DC White Pages. Fouryears later, he left his government job to take a position in New York withLehman Brothers, where he was a strategist for proprietary trading.(Basically, that's the often shady practice where a bank or financial institution trades on its own account or money rather than that of a customer.)
He returned to Washington in 1993 to work as an executive at Martin Marietta, which merged with the Lockheed Corporation two years later to become the defense contractor behemoth Lockheed Martin. In 1997, Jackson was put in charge of finding overseas markets for the company's military toys.
A decade later, it wouldn't be controversial to argue that both the US and Iraq came out as losers in the war, but it was a win-win for Jackson and Lockheed.
One useful tool was the Committee to Expand NATO, an NGO that Jackson had formed in 1996. He never disclosed who funded ithe's claimed that he paid the bills himself with the money he made on Wall Streetbut a few news reports have said that arms manufacturers backed the organization.
That a weaponsmanufacturing executive headed the committee led to some skepticism inCongress. Senator Tom Harkin of Iowa called NATO expansion "a MarshallPlan for defense contractors" and a Republican aide on Capitol Hill joked that arms dealers were so intent on lobbying for expansion that, "We'll probably be giving landlocked Hungary a newnavy."
The Senate approvedNATO admission for Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic in 1998, and for tenother former Soviet Bloc states later, exactly as Jackson's group proposed.This was probably one of the biggest arms deals of all time, since new NATOmembers were required to junk their old Soviet military hardware and replace itwith Western armslike the stuff made by Lockheed Martin.
Meanwhile, Jackson waspushing for war with Iraq in his capacity as executive director of the Projectfor the New American Century (PNAC), the neocon think tank that was created in1997 and called for a return to "a Reaganite policy of military strengthand moral clarity." Its other members included subsequent Bushadministration officials like Cheney and Rumsfeld, and war hacks like WilliamKristol and Richard Perle. In 1998, PNAC wrote a letter to Congress callingfor Hussein's ouster and laid out what became the blueprint to achieve it. Nine days after 9/11, thegroup issued a public letter, addressed to President Bush, calling for regime change in Iraqwhether Saddam Hussein had anything to do with the attacksor not.
In late 2002, Jacksonfounded the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq at the request of then-deputynational security advisor Stephen Hadley (who was later the author of a 2014 WallStreet Journal op-ed, "Americans Can Be Proud of What Was Achieved in Iraq"). The Bush administration had already decided to go to warit but it was still "struggling with a rationale," Hadley told him,according to the Playboy article.
US Army personnel pose under the "Hands of Victory" in Baghdad in 2003. Photo via Wikimedia Commons
The rest is literallyhistory: The White House won that struggle with rationale, the invasion waslaunched, Poland sent 2,500 troops to support it, and in exchange the formerSoviet state was able to buy $5.5 billion worth of Lockheed's F-16 fighters, inwhat Euromoney later revealed to be an "off-balance-sheet deal" arranged by JPMorgan and guaranteedby the US government.
A decade later, it wouldn'tbe controversial to argue that both the US and Iraq came out as losers in thewar, but it was a win-win for Jackson and Lockheed. The company's stock price more than doubled inthe first five years after the invasion, and in the summer of 2006, Jacksonbought a property in Northwest DCassessed at $1.95 millionwhich has fivebedrooms, a fireplace, and a deck.
Since then, Jackson has runor had a key role in three entities, all registered to the address of his DCestate: Bruce P. Jackson Consulting, the Project on Transitional Democracies (PTD), and We Remember Foundation. It's impossible to know allthat much about his private consulting business, but the PTD and We Rememberare nonprofits, and are therefore required to file annual IRSdisclosure forms that offer some information.
The mission of We Remember,which operated as a tax-exempt 501c(3) between 2002 and 2009, was tofight for "justice" for dissidents disappeared or murdered by thegovernment of Belarus, such as the first husband of Jackson's second wife,Irina Krasovskaya, who was the group's president.
The PTD's stated mission hasbeen to promote "democratic change" in Euro-Atlantic governments,primarily the former Soviet bloc. According to its 2012 IRS disclosure forms,it "provided multiple briefings" on Russia and Eastern Europe to theObama White House, State Department, and National Security Council, and Jacksonregularly met with foreign and US officials. According to 2013 disclosureforms, the group devoted a notable chunk of its time to Ukraine and hasapparently prepared "numerous policy briefing papers" on thecountry.
IRS-designated nonprofitsare supposed to have independent boards that provide oversight and make surethat they don't misspend their tax-free money. But Jackson was on the board ofboth nonprofits, and the other members have been his friends and loved ones.
The PTD's original boardfrom 2002 was composed of Jackson, Randy Scheunemann (a former Rumsfeld adviserwith whom Jackson founded the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq), and JulieFinley, a major Republican fundraiser. She had been a founding member of the USCommittee on NATOin 2002, she and Jackson met with a senior Vatican officialto ask for the Pope's endorsement of NATO expansionand of the Committee forthe Liberation of Iraq.
These nonprofits brought in serious cashabout $6 million forthe PTD and $500,000 for We Remember. Of that, Jackson saw about $1.2 million, and his wife nabbed another $200,000. The PTD spent nearly $2.6million on travel, of which a good amount seems to have been primarily used tofly Jackson around the world first class and put him up at luxury hotels whilehe spoke at conferences, according to sources with knowledge of his activities.His destinations in recent years have included Montenegro, Germany, Belgium,Poland, Slovakia, England, Morocco, Wales and Bordeaux, his second home, wherehe claimed to have lectured at a "Georgian seminar."
"You have an influential person who founded a nonprofit and lines up friends and they treat the nonprofit as a spending pool." - Notre Dame Law Professor Lloyd Hitoshi Mayer
The nonprofits alsoapparently served as personal piggybanks. The PTD once fronted Jackson a$150,000 advance on salary and on another occasion offered him a $70,000 interest-freeloan. In 2008, We Remember loaned him $25,000 for "home officeconstruction" at his DC estate and in 2006, PTD signed a lease that paidJackson $36,000 annually to rent the space with tax-exempt money. The PTD alsoagreed to pick up 38 percent of the Jackson family's utilities, insurance, maidservice, property taxes, security, and maintenance.
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Jackson's wife receivedapproximately $130,000 in salary from her role as president of We Remember, andwhen the group dissolved as a 501c(3) in 2009, it transferred its $146,000 inremaining assets to the PTD. But We Remember didn't completely ignore victimsof government repression in Belarus: During the course of its existence it made three grants totaling about $5,0001 percent ofthe $500,000 it raisedto "families of political prisoners and those thathave disappeared."
When I described the waythese nonprofits operated to Lloyd Hitoshi Mayer, a law professor and associatedean at Notre Dame Law School, he said, "What you're describing is not uncommon.You have an influential person who founded a nonprofit and lines up friends andthey treat the nonprofit as a spending pool. They pay themselves a nice salaryand travel. But it's supposed to be a charity, and the government has aninterest in how these nonprofits are run. There might not be any red flagshere, but there is definitely a perception problem. There are at least yellowflags and maybe more, it would depend on getting full information. And even ifthis doesn't violate tax law, that doesn't mean the public shouldn't beconcerned about this type of thing."
Nonprofitsdon't have to disclose their donors, but We Remember's 2005 filing to the IRS thatincluded a list of contributors appears to have been accidentally made public. Byfar the biggest donor to We Remember, which had begun the year with $358.97 incash, was a company controlled by Ukraine oligarch Rinat Akhmetov that kicked in $300,000. Akhmetov, who has a fortune estimated at $7.6billion, "is reputed to have emerged from a bloody power struggle amongorganized crime groups in the 1990s that sought to control the mighty coal andsteel assets of the Soviet Union," according to the NewYork Times.
Fordecades, Akhmetov supported the fabulously corruptViktor Yanukovych, the two-time Ukrainian Prime Minister who was electedpresident in 2010. Yanukovych was forced from power by popular protests inFebruary of last year, which triggered near civil war in Ukraine and an ongoingconfrontation with Russia. Soon thereafter, in a move rather obviously requiredby political realities, Akhmetov broke with his former beneficiary.
Jackson hasbeen periodically identified in US and Ukrainian press accounts as an adviserto Akhmetov, Yanukovych, and their shared political party. In 2007, Jackson andPaul Manafort (a lobbyist whose other clients have included two of the mostcorrupt rulers of modern times, Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire and FilipinoPresident Ferdinand Marcos) arranged meetings for Yanukovych in DC with USgovernment officials, including then US Vice President Cheney. Two years ago,after Yanukovych's election as president, Jackson set up DC appointments forthe Ukrainian foreign minister, who "kept interrupting everybody" during meetings with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.(It should be noted that Yanukovych's opponents are reportedly as corrupt as he is andhave paid millions over the years fortheir own American lobbyists.)
At around the same time, areliable source told me, Jackson was holding court at a private club inWashington and loudly boasted, while drinking scotch and smoking a cigar, thathe and Manafort were working together on Yanukovych's PR efforts, but thatJackson himself was the real brains behind the operation.
All of which may explainhow Jackson's views on Ukraine have shifted over the years.
Back in 2002, theAssociated Press reported that Jackson, who was identified as "aWashington-based political adviser," had recently met with a pro-Westernopposition leader and criticized the first Yanukovych government. Three yearslater, during February 2005 testimony before the Senate Foreign RelationsCommittee, Jackson said Russia had spent $300 million "to basically rigthe outcome" of an election that Yanukovych had won the year before andhailed the "OrangeRevolution"that swept aside his "autocraticregime."
We Remember's 2005 IRS form doesn'tprovide a date for Akhmetov's contribution, but by the following year Jackson was introducingYanucovych to Cheney and other Washington VIPs, and has never, as far as I cantell, had a bad word to say about him since.
In a March 2010 speech to the US-UkraineBusiness Council, Jackson said the Obama administration should"wholeheartedly engage" with Yanukovych, who had been inaugurated aspresident the prior month. Whereas in 2005 Jackson had urged the US Senate toshun Yanukovych's "corrupt business allies," he now declared thatengagement needed to include "the so-called oligarchs."
Islamic State fighters are all over Iraq and Syria. Photo courtesy of VICE News
A story the following yearin a pro-government Ukrainian newspaper said Jacksondescribed as a"renowned American expert"considered Yanukovych to be a determinedreformer who was "really tormented by the corruption that is killing hiscountry." Jackson said that people in Yanukovych's administration"aren't really bad people... They are not stone-cold killers."
Jackson was still onYanukovych's side early last year, after his government killed dozens ofprotesters and he'd fled to Russia. "What worries him, Mr. Jackson said,is that the new government is too beholden to the people's movement on theMaidan," the New York Times reported in March 2014.
Through it all, Jackson haskept coming back to his French chateau. "We've done pretty well; these areall are Bordeaux trees," he told his guests as he led them through hisvineyards. "We... went back to indigenous stuff." He even dreams thathis estate might eventually be the site of a famous international declaration."It's a little pretentious, but someday we'll write a treaty here onsomething," he said. "And actually, the 'Treaty of Les Conseillians' has a nice ring to it."
When I called Jackson forcomment on the nonprofits in February, he declined to give any, other than tosay that he was in the process of shutting down the Project on TransnationalDemocracies.
"We haven't had agrant in two years," Jackson told me before hanging up. In a follow-upemail conversation in late April, he said the nonprofit was dissolved.
"It had not receivedany contributions for at least a couple of years and has not paid salariessince the early years of the last decade," Jackson wrote.
And by the way, a warning aboutthe wine Jackson produces: It's pretty shitty, I'm told by one person whosampled it, so whatever you think of the Iraq War, don't buy itor anythingelse he's selling in the future.
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