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Alex from Target Gives Every Handsome Teenager in America Hope

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Life is not fair. Not that I need to remind you of this most soul crushing truism. There will always be someone (or something, in the case of ​Alf, the California Raisins, and Loom Ban​ds) that has more acclaim, appeal, and wealth than you. In my case, I'm still fuming about Bruno Mars. That should be me up there on stage! If I could just drop these 15 pounds and regrow all the hair I lost (and develop an almost supernatural ability to sing, dance, wear funny hats, and smirk) I could be him! Alas, there can be only one Bruno Mars, and there are millions of Dave Schillings grinding axes for fun in this world.

Despite what his many impersonators and followers might want you to think, there is also only one Alex from Target. ​Alex from Target is a child who works at a Target checkout counter in Texas. He's now an internet meme with over 300,000 Twitter followers because a lot of people found a photo of him cute and/or amusing. Alex has a wonderful head of hair, a relatively strong jaw for a kid, and a thin, wiry frame. If you think I'm being lascivious for describing the physical attributes of a teenager, then you probably don't spend much time on the internet. If this is your first day online, let me say welcome. ​You're going to love this video!

Instant fame will never happen for me. I will never be able to outshine this kid earning minimum wage, bagging impulse buys for strangers so that he can save up enough money to buy a used Jetta before prom. Someone will probably give him a Jetta for free tomorrow. A new one! I'd kill for a Jetta, even if it's missing its hubcabs and was seized in a drug bust. Alex from Target doesn't have to kill anyone to get what he wants. All he has to do is flash those dreamy eyes and remember to remind you of the many benefits of a ​Target RedCard before you exit the store. That's what real power looks like.

Think about all the wonderful new experiences Alex from Target has to look forward to. The inevitable world tour of cheeky, female-skewing morning shows like Ellen (Ellen tweeted at him a little more than an hour ago, so mark that on your calendar), Queen Latifah, The View, and ​the one for minorities. I bet he'll even show up on Dr. Oz to explain to a crowd of adoring spinsters how he keeps the weight off while spending most of his free time standing still. I do mini-crunches in the break room and stay away from complex sugars. I'm also not old enough to drink beer. It's that simple.

Being that he is an internet meme cipher with no known personality traits, I have made up quite a bit of backstory for Alex from Target. He's a straight B student, only belongs to one club at school, doesn't do community service unless forced by his disappointed parents, loves The Walking Dead, and has definitely fingered his girlfriend (at least twice).

I also imagine he barely understands the magnitude of what's happening to him. His Twitter page is a mind-numbingly average collection of memes, non-sequiturs, and Vines of people falling on the sidewalk. He's a regular kid, and then at some point yesterday, it became apparent to him that he's now known across the country for doing precisely nothing. The most he could be credited with is not realizing someone took a picture of him doing his job.

Alex from Target is the living, breathing, baby-faced epitome of the American Dream. Sometimes, regardless of effort or accomplishment, fate can take a big, steamy shit on reality and make you something special. That's not necessarily a bad thing. No one believes in the populist lies of the lottery or Publishers Clearing House anymore, so why not put all of your dreams into Twitter instead? Sure, you can't manufacture viral success, but that's the point, isn't it? It just has to happen. 

People like Alex from Target make us all feel better for 25 minutes when we think about how a plucky little boy could rise to the heights of Mount Olympus to drink non-alcoholic beverages with Zeus and Rosie O'Donnell. Then, when the 26th minute hits and reality sinks in, we realize this dude didn't even do anything cute like ​that "Apparently" kid. He's not adorably chubby or a ginger with a speech impediment, which, in my special little book are prerequisites for internet fame.

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Remember Ted Williams? The hobo with the golden voice? He had real talent. Of course, now Ted Williams is back to struggling with addiction and may die a cautionary tale, but what these people do with fame is totally out of our control. The important thing is that he achieved his brief notoriety through a unique ability.

Charles Ramsey, the guy who saved those girls from Ariel Castro and loves McDonald's did a ​Reddit AMA and got a year's supply of free fast food, but at least he saved some girls from a rapist. I can look at the bedraggled visage of Charles Ramsey and say to myself, I have never saved anyone from a rapist. I suppose I could look at Alex from Target and say, I have never had hair that nice.

I don't begrudge Alex from Target this moment. Everyone wants to feel special, at least for a couple days. Instead, I curse the universe for denying me anything remotely appealing to the people who make celebrities in this world: the average teenage girl. I'm just a person. I guess I'm going to have to get used to that.

Follow Dave Schilling on ​Twitter.


Brooklyn's Wiccans Celebrated Halloween with Potato Chips and an Ikea Decoration

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For most New Yorkers, Halloween means wearing slutty costumes and vomiting Svedka on the subway. But in Park Slope, the land of moms and strollers, many people gather on Halloween for an entirely different scene: the Witches Masquerade Ball.

Since I've always been interested in Wicca, the promise of a Hekate ritual, BYOB  ​dumb supper, and psychic readings intrigued me. The ball's flyer advertised the starting time as 7 PM sharp, but when I arrived at 7:30, I only found four guests in a wood-paneled room listening to P!nk's M!ssundaztood.

"It's because they are running in PST, Pagan Standard Time, which means they are two hours late to everything," explained Tiger, a temporary transplant from Florida who had come to New York to celebrate Samhain (the name of the Celtic festival that Halloween evolved from).

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For the Wiccan community, Samhain is the most important night of the year. Serving as the witches' new year, it is day where the veil is thinnest between our world and the one of those who have passed. It's a celebration that's about reconnecting with loved ones and reflecting on what you've gained and lost from the positive and negative experiences of the past year. Witches Masquerade Ball was a celebration and group ritual honoring Hades and Hekate, god and goddess of the Underworld.

Attendees who were meeting for the first time spent the evening getting to know each other and feasting on their dumb supper--which consisted of a ham/salami hoagie, Doritos and wine. Attendance was somewhat sparse, but "this Samhain celebration is not about numbers, it's about having it and demonstrating that we are in service and honoring Hekate," said Lady Morgana, high priestess of Hekate Sacred Temple, Torch Bearers of the Crossroad.

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On the altar stood candles, an Ikea angel decoration meant to symbolize Hekate, incense, and water mixed with salt for purification. Though rituals typically run up to two hours, this one lasted about 20 minutes. In the end, instead of breaking bread together, attendees passed along potato chips and then parted ways.

In between these activities, I asked the Wiccans about their evening and history with the religion. 

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VICE: How did the masquerade ball come together?
Alexandra Morrigan RavenThis is a collaboration of a lot of the meetup groups here in New York, but this is actually being sponsored by the Hekate Sacred Temple and the Torch Bearer of the Crossroads. I am one of two of the high priestesses. What a high priest does is basically run the temple and lead the ritual.

What does leading the ritual entail?
We have a printed ritual, and we basically read from a script. We say prayers, we cast a circle, we call on the elements, which are north, east, south, and west. We face the directions and call to the Watchtowers. Then we invoke our goddess Hekate, and tonight we'll be honoring Hades, God of the Underworld. This is their night. Samhain is not only the witches' new year, but it's the time of the year when the veil between those have gone before us can travel back onto our plane.

Have you had real connections with them as a result of this?
I can't see spirits, but sometimes I can hear them and feel them. Some people can see them, but I can't. Sometimes they whisper. When it's late at night, I can hear the jingle jangle of my former dog Misty's collar.

How do you feel about Halloween and how it has evolved over the years? 
​I've always loved Halloween. Unfortunately people still look at Halloween as a devil's holiday. There's a very big misconception about Wicca and Pagans: We don't believe in the devil. We believe in positive and negative energy. 

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Where are you from?
Tiger: I'm actually from Florida visiting New York for the weekend. I was looking for a public ritual to do. I have been pagan for 25 years, practicing the Wiccan craft in the Blue Star tradition. In my mundane life, I'm a tour director. I just came back from doing a season in Alaska. I'm visiting family.

How did you find out about this particular event?
I found out about this site through Wit​chVox, which lists events all across the country and some internationally as well. I've found very good results with finding open circles. Samhain is an unusual one for where I live in Florida. Most of the groups down there [host] rituals that are very private because it's a very solemn sabbath for us. It's a sabbath for connecting with the dead. In the New York area, it's more open.

How would you describe the pagan community in Florida?
I would say that it's very friendly and open, but they are scattered. I know there's a lot in the Miami area. They're spread out across the state in Florida: There's one open group in St. Petersburg, one in Clearwater, maybe two or three in Tampa. Everyone's very open. I don't know if they are as open in their day-to-day life as they are here in New York. I don't have problems with it, but I live in an offbeat artistic community that accepts pretty much anything, so I gravitate to those like-minded people. 

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How did you reach this point in your Wiccan spirituality?
Lady Morgana: I didn't come from an abusive house; I came from a loving home. I was an only child who lived with my grandparents, auntie, mom, and dad. We were all in this big Victorian house, and it was quite amusing because I constantly played on the stairs and had all kinds of imaginary things. Yeah, I liked to play on the steps probably because there were ghosts. Fast-forward, I didn't know what my grandfather [who was a healer] did till I was in my teens. I saw it as an odd thing that nobody would talk to me about what he did, so I just dismissed it. When I got into my 20s I began to have full-blown visions of people dying before they died. I would walk into a room of people, and I would see someone in their coffin dressed in something they would be laid out in. This would happen over and over till I was shopping one day. I was in Stick, Stone & Bone, which is one of the city haunts that you go in to buy things. I started telling them what was going on, and they referred me to a mentor. I learned how to see good things instead of solely tragedy. It was very freaky.

What are the good things you see?
I would basically see things they wanted--mostly material things. Not to say that I wouldn't see an accident and warn them, but I stopped seeing death. An interesting fact: Everyone in my family has either died holding my hand, in my arms, or they would wait in the hospital for me to arrive before they left. I'm sort of like the transitioner, which leads me to where I am with Hekate, who is the transitioner from the realm of the dead. 

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What brings you here tonight?
Christy Artale: My mom is the high priestess of the ceremony.

What was your childhood like?
Growing up, I was raised very liberal. I did whatever I wanted because it was more non-traditional. I went to Catholic school, but after I graduated I just kind of went a different way.

Do you or your siblings practice Wicca?
No, I don't. My sister does, my brother does not. My sister reads cards here and there. She practices, but it's solitary and by herself. She's an introvert, so she keeps to herself and doesn't come to meetings. She knows about all of this stuff. She wears the Wiccan star. My brother? Not at all. He doesn't want to hear about it.

Is coming to a ritual like this an ordinary event for you personally on Halloween?
It does feel normal. I feel like to each his own. She can believe in one thing, I can believe in what I believe in. Whatever makes her happy.

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Do you have a coven you work with?
Giuseppe Catanzaro: I define myself as a solitary. I usually practice by myself. I just moved to New York a year ago from Italy; it's difficult to find a community. You have to deal with a lot of things. Right now is the period of my life that I'm exploring. I'm also practicing with a different group called ADF, a group based on Celtic Paganism. This group tonight is centered on Wicca, which is a form of neopaganism.

How would you describe the pagan community here versus the one in Italy?
I feel there are a lot of people practicing in solitary, because Italy is a Catholic country. Sometimes being Pagan and being a witch has a stigma associated with it, so it's kind of difficult to form solid groups. 

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How did you feel tonight's ritual went?
JF Grasso: It went well. It was very pleasant and nice to meet new people. The Hekate Sacred Temple is a fairly new organization, and the organizational committee is most interested in ministry and outreach. For me in particular, this is a part of service. My tradition emphasizes service as well as scholarship. As I work toward my third degree in Braided Wheel, service, serving our community, and trying to help people find their own relationship with the divine is part of my calling.

What degrees have you received as part of Braided Wheel?
The first is academic as well as religious. The first degree essentially prepares you to be a competent participant in any ritual that you might come upon in any eclectic American Wicca. There is a lot of reading on the history of the movement, metaphysics, comparative mythology, and the history of the tradition. Second degree works more along the lines of personal paths of self discovery. It's more in depth. The third degree is more about service, teaching, and healing.

People come to the craft for all kinds of different reasons. This is not a dogmatic faith that ascribes an orthodox theology. I'm here to help people develop a relationship with the divine, and whatever my practical experience and religious education lends to that, I take a lot of gratification in.

Follow Amy Lombard on ​Twit​ter

A 20-Year-Old Went to Rehab and Came Home in a Body Bag

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Ted Jacques enrolled his son, Brandon, in what he thought was the "best treatment center money could buy"--A Sober Way Home in Prescott, Arizona--in February 2011, not long after Brandon's mother, Kim, discovered the 20-year-old sprawled out and unconscious on the bathroom floor. He had just sucked down a red Solo cup filled to the brim with Crown Royal, and the booze sent him reeling to the ground. It didn't help that Brandon's belly was likely empty from forced vomiting. Kim rapidly unlocked the door after hearing the sound of her son's body smack the linoleum. The shower was still running, Brandon's eyes had rolled into the back of his head, and blood was trickling out of his mouth. It was a horrifying wake-up call, but just one of the many wrenching episodes related to Brandon's years of bulimia and alcoholism.

For $14,500, A Sober Way Home assured the family that it could treat Brandon's dual disorders. His particular condition required a high level of care and monitoring because of the debilitating effects of purging, which can cause the body to have an imbalance of essential electrolytes that can impair the functions of the heart. Substance abuse like alcoholism, which affects about 50 percent of all people with eating disorders, and binging and purging can be a fatal combination.

Despite A Sober Way's assurance that it could care for Brandon, his vomiting continued, and his drinking was just barely kept at bay while he was in its care. After he spent a month at A Sober Way, the organization admitted to the Jacqueses that it could not properly treat their son's eating disorder. Instead of recommending that he get medical care at a hospital, A Sober Way officials beseeched the Jacques family to send their son to another residential rehab facility in Newport Beach, California.

The second facility, called Morningside Recovery, barred Brandon's parents from communicating with him. While Brandon was there, his binging and purging got even worse, and he was caught secretly drinking booze. Toward the end of his stay, and without his parents' knowledge or consent, Morningside officials moved him out of their inpatient facility and into a small nonmedical detox center on the other side of town called First House. Here, Brandon went into cardiac arrest on April 2, 2011, and died. Because of the lack of communication, his parents had no idea that he'd even been transferred to a different rehab center--much less that Morningside passed patients like Brandon to First House with the added bonus of kickback cash.

In the United States, more people between the ages of 25 and 64 die of complications from drugs than car crashes. According to a 2009 study published by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 23.5 million people in this country over the age of 12 need treatment for drug and alcohol abuse, and only 2.6 million of these afflicted individuals actually receive it. In response, drug and alcohol rehab has blossomed in the past three decades into a $35 billion industry with nearly 15,000 facilities across the country. Although non-hospital residential treatment serves only about 10 percent of those in recovery in the US, the exorbitant cost of such care--as high as $75,000 a month--has made it extremely lucrative. And thanks to popular TV shows like Celebrity Rehab, which have installed the luxurious rehabilitation center in the popular consciousness, the national enrollment figures keep growing.

Yet in many states, the laws regulating the industry have been unable to catch up to this new breed of for-profit rehab facility. Despite their popularity, these centers operate in a gray zone somewhere between legitimate medicine and total quackery, offering things like horseback riding and meditation as solutions to addiction, and often promising medical care that they are unable to provide--sometimes with disastrous results.

Stricken with grief, it took a long time for the Jacques family to think that anything but an unavoidable tragedy had befallen their son. They didn't start asking questions until they got an email on January 6, 2012, from former Orange County Register reporter Jon Cassidy. Cassidy, who's now with the investigative site Watchdog.org, had acquired internal emails that spoke of the financial incentive the institutions had for transferring Brandon from facility to facility. These moves, one of the emails implied, were motivated by greed rather than medical need. In the email--which had allegedly been written by one of Brandon Jacques's caretakers--the author likened the way they treated the 20-year-old to a "piece of meat."

Ted Jacques at the 160-acre family farm he bought so he could spend quality time with his son, Brandon, hunting and riding motorcycles and ATVs. Ted sold the farm not long after Brandon passed away. Photos by Barrett Emke.

Kearney, Missouri, is about 30 minutes outside Kansas City. Until he was sent to rehab, Brandon Jacques lived in his family's house in an upscale neighborhood there called Holmes Creek, attending the local Park University and working for his dad's contracting company. His parents still live there. Their McMansion occupies its own cul-de-sac, sitting atop a green knoll with an in-ground pool in the back. Out of the perfectly manicured lawn protrudes a 20-foot beam hoisting two fluttering flags. The top one is. The bottom flag features a pixelated image of their late son in front of his shiny black pickup truck with the words see ya later.

Inside the house, Brandon's room is exactly as he left it: His black dresser is covered in dozens of dietary supplements, fat burners, and muscle builders in colorful powders and pills with names like Pro Complex, Xtend, and Mega Men. It looks as though someone robbed a GNC store or Mark McGwire's locker.

On his desk is a Bible and a card from his big sister, Heather, with a plaintive message for Brandon scrawled out in dark blue ink: "You don't need to worry about trying to live up to anybody's idea of what you should be."

Brandon was born in 1990 and was the family's only boy--a precious pigeonhole of a position in a family built on traditional values, with a roughneck father who wanted a son who could one day fill his work boots. As a kid, Brandon was doted on by his mother, and he constantly mimicked his dad. He would try to do anything and everything that Ted did--even working with him on the family farm when he was just barely able to stand up. Ted took him on site and let him operate the excavators when he was only ten.

"He was a risk taker from the very beginning," Heather says. "That's what I always admired about Brandon."

As a teenager, Brandon was probably the only male fashionista at Kearney High School. Friends remember the way he used to show up to overnight get-togethers in the town's backwoods, where kids would meet up, drink cheap beer, and sleep in the beds of their pickup trucks under the stars. Most of his pals would come to the parties in dirty boots, blue jeans, old T-shirts, and trucker caps. But Brandon would rock his signature green, pointy-toed Steve Madden alligator boots and Hollister button-down shirts. His senior year, there was even a full-page picture of him in the yearbook looking like a blond Marky Mark, exhibiting a fussiness not appreciated in a town where camo, ballistic black, and hunting orange are the preferred clothing colors for men.

"He didn't get it from me," Ted says.

"Brandon was always my first, and I was always his first for trying everything," says Brandon's closest friend, Ridge Quarles. "We never hid anything from each other." The boys first met at a friend's birthday party when they were in the fourth grade. "It was a pool party, so everybody was swimming. But both Brandon and I were overweight. We looked at each other and knew immediately there was no way either of us was going to get in the water without our shirts on."

Despite being overweight, Brandon was always popular, thanks to the legacy of his cool older sister and the swagger he'd inherited from his dad. But the extra weight he carried on his bones hung heavy over him--especially right after he would gorge himself on a whole box of pizza or chug an entire gallon of chocolate milk.

Early on, he had an awful revelation. "When we were in seventh grade," Quarles says, "he came to me and told me he'd discovered a new way to lose weight. He said, 'I just eat it and then throw it up, and it's like I never ate it.' When you're young and you don't know about that kind of thing, it seems like the perfect solution."

A memorial flag flies high near the Jacqueses' family home--one of the many reminders that their son is gone for good.

Brandon started rapidly losing weight around the age of 13, but his parents weren't suspicious. After all, he was active in sports, notably joining the wrestling team in his early teens. His new virile physique, however, hid a terrible secret. When his parents caught him in the act of vomiting one day in junior high, they confronted him. Ted and Kim were downstairs, and they could hear the sounds of Brandon heaving and retching in his second-floor bathroom. They came up the steps and swung open the door to find him bent over the porcelain seat. But he explained it away quickly--he said he was just puking to make weight for wrestling. After that incident, Brandon's battle with food fell out of sight and became unspoken, precisely because he looked like he was doing so well.

"He was very much the athletic, outgoing type of person in high school," remembers a former classmate. "He was a jock... all about working out. It was obvious that he cared about his body image."

By the tenth grade, Brandon had also started to hit the weights. Soon Brandon's arms were pumped up like a pair of Reebok sneakers, and his abs looked like two rows of hot cross buns. He was an only slightly smaller version of the chiseled and oiled men who posed on the covers of the Muscle & Fitness magazines that piled up next to the toilet he puked in after nearly every meal.

"We did everything together. So I even did it with him a few times," Quarles says. "But it was something I couldn't do consistently, 'cause it made my head ache and my throat hurt. Through our whole friendship, I stayed overweight while he kept losing."

According to Quarles, Brandon became so adept at puking that all he needed to do was bend over for half-eaten food and stomach bile to launch out of his mouth. On some of the afternoons his parents thought he was just going to Eagle Fitness, Brandon and Quarles would actually go across the street to LaMar's Donuts, order two dozen glazed, eat them all in one sitting, sneak behind the bakery to vomit them back up--and then go lift weights.

But the extra weight he carried on his bones hung heavy over him--especially right after he would gorge himself on a whole box of pizza.

Few people but Quarles knew about Brandon's secret--or at least they didn't want to know. There are friends he had in school and around town who still have no idea he had an eating disorder--a problem most people usually associate with waify girls, not tough-looking dudes like Brandon. While only 10 percent of people with anorexia or bulimia are men, according to a study conducted by the International Journal of Eating Disorders, 7.5 percent of all men in the US have participated in some level of binge eating--one central facet of Brandon's behavioral disorders.

Brandon's cycle of binge eating and vomiting never reached a fever pitch--instead it bubbled under the surface. Nonetheless, some close friends of his explained what was going on to his counselor at Kearney High. When the counselor confronted him, Brandon had nothing to say. So she left it with the parents, hoping they would find some way to address the issue.

But in the Jacques family, everything was muted. The Jacqueses pulled Quarles aside one day, and he opened up about what Brandon was doing in toilet bowls, showers, and the parking lots of fast-food joints. But as Heather puts it, "I think there was something in me that didn't want to believe. I didn't want to let my mind wander down that path."

What cut through and put his pathologies at the feet of the Jacqueses was the booze. The bulimia had been going on for years and might have continued unfettered had it not been for the alcohol. As in many rural communities in America, the drinking culture is intense in Kearney.

"We're all from a very small town," remembers one of Brandon's classmates. "Field parties are what we did."

However, Brandon became a serious alcoholic after high school graduation, in 2010. He was living at home and attending Park University, a small school in Parkville, Missouri, where he was studying business so that, as his father says, he could one day run the family contracting company.

Things imploded fairly quickly. Brandon was caught driving drunk after a night out with friends and was arrested by the local Kearney police. It was his first of two DWI charges, and one of the first times he had ever been in any serious trouble.

After that, Brandon began drinking at home, alone--before eating to numb his hunger, or after overeating to numb the shame and disappointment, Kim says. When he was drunk, he wasn't himself. "He wasn't even being Brandon anymore," Quarles says. "He was no longer the guy I knew who was always a happy person and down to have fun." Instead, according to Heather, when he drank he was "internally angry and closed off."

Quarles remembers the night he realized Brandon was too far gone. He was visiting Kearney from his college in Louisville, Kentucky, in August 2009, and called Brandon to get together--they'd typically go kick it at the Sonic drive-through in their trucks until other friends showed up, and then they'd figure out something, if anything, to do.

"I was getting ready to pick him up at his house," Quarles says. "I called him, and he said he was just going to jump in the shower. I said, 'All right, I'll be over in ten minutes.' When I called him back to tell him I was going to leave my house, Kim picked up the phone and was frantic, saying, 'Ridge, I don't know what the hell just happened, but I found Brandon on the bathroom floor, throwing up blood, and his eyes were rolled in the back of his head."

The paramedics took Brandon to Liberty Hospital. "I remember sitting in the waiting room, holding hands with Kim, bobbing back and forth," Quarles says. "Then the doctor came out, and he looked at Kim and said, 'I need to talk to you.'"

While in the ER, Brandon was given an electrocardiograph that revealed abnormalities in his heart's electrical cycle, likely related to a lack of potassium created by his bulimia. At the time, his potassium level was 2.8--normal levels range between 3.7 and 5.2 milliequivalents per liter. The doctor recommended that he be admitted to a hospital because she was concerned he could develop life-threatening cardiac arrhythmia, which could lead to cardiac arrest.

By the tenth grade, Brandon had started to hit the weights. Soon his arms were pumped up like a pair of Reebok sneakers, and his abs looked like two rows of hot cross buns.

After that, it wasn't long before Brandon dropped out of college, having completed only one semester. Brandon's parents pushed him to start taking steps to turn his life around, from hiring a psychologist to having him detox and do residential treatment at a small, local nonprofit addiction center in Kansas called Valley Hope in November 2010.

Private nonprofits like Valley Hope operate 71 percent of all addiction-treatment facilities in the US, while private for-profit programs, like the ones Brandon would go to later, operate only 21 percent--the government takes on the rest. Nonprofits tend to steer clear of the luxurious creature comforts that for-profit centers use to attract patients, and they are more likely to be operated by hospitals (though Valley Hope is not).

In Brandon's first 36 hours at Valley Hope, he suffered a seizure caused by alcohol withdrawal and had to be taken to an emergency room and hospitalized. This incident, along with the one-two punch of his dual diagnosis of alcohol abuse and bulimia, proved to be too much for the facility to feel like they could properly care for him. He hadn't even finished his planned monthlong stay there before they recommended that he get help somewhere else.

Brandon left Valley Hope and returned to his parent's house, where he spent the winter. In February 2011 he had an epiphany. He was sitting at the family's long wooden kitchen table in the middle of the night, streaming an episode of A&E's Intervention on his MacBook.

Brandon's parents joined him at the table to watch a few episodes of the show. They sat in silence, watching the cycle of forsaken addiction and redemption play out over and over again, episode after episode, streaming across the screen.

"We watched three or four episodes," Ted says, "and then my wife turned to Brandon and asked, 'Would you like to go to one of these places?'
"Brandon said, 'Yeah.'"

The images of hulking, glistening men that fill the pages of publications like MuscleMag International embodied everything that Brandon so desperately desired.

A Sober Way Home wasn't like Valley Hope. It was a for-profit facility. It had been on Oprah. And it was featured on several of the Intervention episodes the Jacques family had watched that morning. The moment Brandon said he was willing to give the place a try, his mother got up and made the call. After finding out there was a bed available for Brandon, the family flew from Missouri to Prescott, Arizona, the next day.

Typically, when a treatment facility like A Sober Way Home admits a new patient, it does what is known as an intake. An intake is supposed to consist of in-depth evaluations of the potential client's medical history to get a grasp on the kind of care he needs and whether the facility can actually treat him. Unfortunately, at for-profit facilities the in-take is often administered by staff counselors rather than medical professionals. And in the for-profit realm, there is a heavy emphasis on following the mantra of "keeping heads on beds"--a phrase rehab entrepreneurs actually use--and not turning away paying clients even though they may need a higher level of care than a facility can offer. As Dr. Akikur Mohammad, the owner of Inspire Malibu, a high-end Southern California rehab center that boasts a former salesman as its admissions director, says, "When you are in a business for profit, sales is involved. We have to sell the treatment--because of the competition."

After a short breakfast, a tour of the facilities, and a meeting with counselors, Brandon signed up for a 30-day stay at A Sober Way Home. The facility was opened in 1999 by Sandra Tillman, a former addict who's been sober for 26 years, and charges $14,500 a month.

The model of care practiced by rehab facilities like A Sober Way Home has its roots in Alcoholics Anonymous, the religion-tinged, 12-step group-therapy program for addicts that was developed in the 1930s. Today, an estimated 98 percent of all rehabs in the US are 12-step-oriented, and 78 percent actually use the 12-Step Facilitation model. This happened because the model had much better results than other methods of its era, like lobotomy and hallucinogenic drugs. So in the 1950s, at Hazelden Hospital in Minnesota, psychologist Daniel J. Anderson combined AA's 12 steps and group meetings with psychological counseling and laid down the blueprint for modern-day rehab treatment. Despite a lot of window dressing and posturing, not much has changed.

A Sober Way Home is composed of 16 different homes catering to about 85 addicts and employing 75 staff members, including one medical doctor and one psychiatrist. They offer a detox and inpatient program that, according to Tillman, involves AA meetings, an unproven practice called neurofeedback therapy (which aims to map out electric activity in the brain to help an addict control his impulses), and "equine therapy" (in which the patient plays with horses).

Although Brandon came there with an addiction to alcohol and an eating disorder, the Jacqueses claim A Sober Way insisted from the very beginning that they could provide all the necessary treatment to fight both issues. Their website boasts that they can take on patients with other disorders accompanying their addiction, ranging from mild depression to bipolar disorder.

"They said their main focus was getting the alcohol addiction stopped first and then working with the disorder," Ted says. "At that point, leaving my son that far away from home in a facility was the hardest thing I'd done in my life. But they really made us feel good. As we were leaving, they said, 'You can just take a big breath of fresh air--he's safe.'"

At first, Brandon did well at A Sober Way Home. "Over the phone," Ted says, "he made comments like, 'Gotta get going here and get registered back into college because otherwise I'm going to be thirty-five years old before I get my degree.'"

But progress started to stall during the second half of his monthlong stay. Brandon was caught eating the food of other clients. Then, on the 29th day--one day before he was scheduled to go home--counselors called the Jacqueses, saying that Brandon would have to continue inpatient treatment in order to get better. They strongly recommended a rehab center in Newport, California, called Morningside Recovery.

The Jacques family in Brandon's bedroom

According to a former employee of Morningside who spoke to me on the condition of anonymity, transfers like Brandon's were often steered by greed, not need.

"They were making referrals back and forth [between A Sober Way and Morningside]," the former employee says. "Morningside calls it 'consulting referrals.' You refer a client to Morningside, and they pay a ten percent fee of what they get paid... The majority of the time the cash is going to the owner [of the facility]... or to the director of admissions."

In the United States, kickbacks or "fee splitting" in medicine has long been seen as an unethical practice. A letter to the editor of the New York Times by A. S. Draper from Albany in 1912 discussed the subject, stating, "The patient is defrauded by the physician whom he trusts and robbed by the aid of a specialist, and both physician and specialist are corrupted."

On a federal level, there are key legislations--the Stark law and Anti-Kickback Statute--that make it illegal to engage in kickbacks when payment comes in the form of federally funded Medicaid and Medicare. Meanwhile, state laws protect citizens to varying degrees. In California, kickbacks like the "referrals" described by the informant are illegal. According to the state's Business and Professional code, Section 650, "Any rebate, refund, commission, preference, patronage dividend, discount, or other consideration, whether in the form of money or otherwise, as compensation or inducement for referring patients, clients, or customers to any person, irrespective of any membership, proprietary interest, or coownership in or with any person to whom these patients, clients, or customers are referred is unlawful." Arizona's state laws feature nearly identical language, with a section specifically targeting "behavioral health" businesses like A Sober Way Home.

I confronted A Sober Way Home founder Sandra Tillman about the former Morningside employee's allegations, outlining the individual's claim that a kickback for transferring Brandon from A Sober Way Home to Morningside had been set up between one of her employees and an employee of Morningside. Tillman seemed caught off guard. She claimed to have been unaware of the fee-splitting deal at the time it was made, but confirmed to me that a kickback had been discovered and had likely played a factor in Brandon's transfer. She also confirmed that the employee allegedly responsible still worked for her at the time of our interview.

Naturally, neither A Sober Way Home nor Morningside revealed the alleged kickback to Brandon or his parents. Instead, A Sober Way employees Pete Stewart and Lori Kidd told the Jacqueses they wanted to move Brandon because, they claimed, A Sober Way couldn't effectively treat his eating disorder--which raises the question, why did they accept him into their care in the first place, since they knew he was a bulimic from the very beginning? Now that things had gotten serious, they wanted to pass him off to another facility. But instead of recommending that the Jacqueses take Brandon to a hospital, his admitters referred him to a place they had a financial relationship with.

Morningside costs $25,000 a month, which is $10,500 more than A Sober Way. Based on information given to me by the informant, this transaction would have yielded a referrer at A Sober Way $2,500, an amount that could taint any recommendation.

Regardless of the price increase, as a concerned father Ted was glad to pay more if it was going to help Brandon get his life back on track.

"They wanted him to move in that day, so we had to lock down a flight," Ted says. They took Brandon to the airport, and he flew out. He landed at John Wayne Airport in Santa Ana, California, on March 14, and Morningside picked him up. It all happened so fast, but the Jacqueses were reassured that Morningside would be the right place for Brandon, not just by A Sober Way's referral but by Morningside's own testimonials.

"When we were looking at the website before we sent Brandon out there," Ted says, "it talked about a doctor, Theodore G. Williams, and a nurse practitioner, Jill Shelton. The website made it look like they were at that facility."

Little did the Jacqueses know that it's illegal for residential drug and alcohol programs like Morningside to provide any medical care in the State of California, because of an old, controversial law that is a vestige of the rehab industries' AA-based, nonmedical beginnings. Morningside, as many facilities do in the State of California, was operating on the fringes of the law by independently contracting work from physicians. Since these physicians are not legally allowed to be on staff, they are often employed at multiple facilities at a time. In Shelton's case, she was contracted to at least one other facility, a treatment center in Costa Mesa called the Pat Moore Foundation, at the time that she was working for Morningside.

Instead of being on site at least 40 hours a week, as one might expect from looking at the testimonials and websites, these physicians have select, designated days and times when they come in to see patients. A former Morningside employee who spoke to us on the condition of anonymity described a contracted physician like Shelton coming in a couple times a week from 9 AM to noon. In reality, much of the care in these facilities is actually offered by recovering drug addicts with little more than GEDs and counseling certificates from degree mills.

Because the State of California has done such a poor job of enforcing the ban on in-house professional medical care, facilities like Morningside get the best of both worlds--they can market themselves as medical facilities to attract more clients without fear of getting shut down, but they don't have to spend the money on medical care or jump through the regulatory hoops required of a facility practicing medicine.

Morningside is not the only California clinic with egregious violations. A comprehensive report compiled by the California Senate Office of Oversight and Outcomes in 2012 outlined numerous repeat-offending facilities that had multiple deaths on their watch, and several citations related to practicing medicine, yet were still allowed to operate. Among these was the Living Center in Modesto. In 2010, a former staff member of the Living Center told a state official that one client had been kept at the facility even though he needed to be sent to a hospital, just so the Living Center could make more money. A year after being reported to the state, the treatment center was still operating and admitted another client who was visibly in need of medical care far surpassing what they offered. At the client's intake, which was conducted by someone who was not a physician, his eyes and skin were yellow, and he was so dizzy he couldn't walk by himself. Eventually, they sent the sick man to a hospital, but at that point it was too late, and he died.

In addition to citing that death, the state revoked the Living Center's license to provide treatment in August 2013 for a variety of violations that included admitting suicidal and bipolar clients who needed hospital care, providing medical care it was not licensed to offer, employing people who've failed background checks, and admitting clients under the age of 14. The state issued the facility a cease-and-desist notice in June 2013, but it remains open.

Brandon inherited his motorcycle skills from his father, who let him bounce a Yamaha XR80 over dirt mounds around the family farm when he was only ten

The Jacqueses had virtually no contact with Brandon once he was transferred to Morningside. Like many rehab programs, Morningside allowed him no phone privileges during the first week of his stay. According to Ted, they also deny clients the use of the center's phones in order to keep the lines open for staff. Desperate to talk with his son about the transition and his health, Ted sent down a cell phone for Brandon to use. But Ted never received a call. Morningside said they denied Brandon access to the phone because he was caught with alcohol in his system.

"His counselor said, 'Well, evidently he gave somebody twenty dollars to go out and buy some alcohol and told him to keep the change.' I said, 'Where'd he get the twenty dollars? How did this happen?'"

The Jacqueses had planned to visit Brandon the second weekend in April. They would have visited sooner, but a Morningside counselor told them to hold off.

"At A Sober Way Home we talked to him quite often. But once he transferred to Morningside, I personally did not get to speak with him at all. And the communication was terrible."

On March 18, Morningside's lab tests revealed that Brandon's potassium level had fallen to 3.3, below the normal range. At that point, however, he was not prescribed anything to supplement his potassium. It wasn't until four days later that another nurse, who was contracted by Shelton, prescribed Brandon something for his decreasing potassium levels--some multivitamins.

On April 1, Ted got a rare call from one of Brandon's counselors at Morningside, saying they thought Brandon should be moved again. They said his potassium levels were low and that they had started to give him potassium pills. They thought it might be a good idea to send him to Reasons Eating Disorder Center, in Rosemead, California, for a more intense treatment for his binging and purging.

"I said, 'Wait, I thought you guys were supposed to be taking care of the eating disorder.' I told her, 'I want him to go to the best possible place. I don't care where it is.' She told me that Brandon was not in danger and that she was monitoring his levels."

Unfortunately, Brandon was in grave danger. According to Morningside's own records, the day before they called Ted, Brandon's potassium levels had sunk to a dangerous level of 2.9--only one tenth of a point higher than the night his mother found him unconscious on the bathroom floor.

As far as Ted and Kim knew on April 1, Brandon was OK and would likely get moved the following week to another facility, again with the promise that their son's dual disorders could be treated there. But Brandon had in fact been covertly moved the day before his father got that call from the counselor. Morningside hadn't transferred him to a local emergency room or an eating-disorder center in a hospital. Instead, they'd quietly shuttled him to a facility called First House Detox in Costa Mesa. While Brandon was at First House, his parents still didn't hear from him.

According to records kept by the facility's employees, Brandon frittered away his time at First House interacting with the other clients, reading, smoking cigarettes outside, and catching up on sleep. And according to a deposition given by owner Richard Perlin, Brandon received absolutely no counseling or treatment while he was in First House's care, which is puzzling considering his most recent lab work showed he was at risk of sudden death from cardiac arrest.

But the lack of treatment he received would be less surprising to anyone familiar with First House. The place was a well-known treatment center of disrepute when Morningside sent Brandon there. The business comprised three different detox houses, with one staff member and six beds per house. Its owner, Richard Perlin, is a former drug addict and convicted felon. In 2008, First House was cited for not checking often enough on a client who was going through withdrawal. Three months later, another client died in their care, and it was determined after the client's death that he hadn't been monitored in accordance with their stated policy. In 2011, a few days before Morningside secretly sent Brandon there, another client died on their watch. The First House employees checked on that guy at least three times before they finally realized he was dead.

The day after Ted's conversation with Brandon's counselor at Morningside, Brandon spent a good portion of his time relaxing in the living room of First House with fellow client David Falk, watching a movie on the television. In between 3 and 4 PM, true to his obsession with burning calories, Brandon hit the floor for a quick set of 30 push-ups. Then he rolled over on his back. It was there on the floor that he went into cardiac arrest and his lips turned blue.

David Falk shouted for help, and staff member Greg Epilone came into the room, saw Brandon on his back, and called 911. He then tried to give Brandon rescue breaths and the "cardiac thump," but all he could find was a weak pulse. They placed a pulse oximeter--a noninvasive oxygen monitor--on Brandon's hand to gauge his vitals, but the readings were coming in on a steep decline. The paramedics showed up three minutes after Greg had made the call. They tried CPR and then shocked him several times with the defibrillator. After ten minutes of efforts with IVs and the AEDs, the paramedics loaded his body onto a gurney and finally took him to the hospital, where he was pronounced dead at 5:20 PM.

That night, Ted was eating a tenderloin steak at the Landing Eatery & Pub in Kearney with Kim. The Missouri Tigers basketball team was playing. Ted and his wife's cell phones were blowing up with frantic calls, but the sound of the game coming from the big screens drowned out their rings. When the family got home from dinner, Kim and Ted saw they had several voicemails from an unfamiliar number on their house phone. The messages were all the same: "Call Hoag Hospital, in Newport Beach, California."

One of the many portraits of Brandon that rest on every mantle, hang on every wall, and clutter every shelf in the Jacqueses' home.

Ted and Kim flew to Los Angeles in a complete daze. It didn't feel real--they hadn't spoken with or seen their son in weeks thanks to Morningside's policies, and they had no idea what his living circumstances were like during the previous month.

"David Gates [the former CEO of Morningside] met us outside the hospital," Ted recalls, "and wanted to talk about giving us credit back. He just kept going on and on about it until I shut him down and said, 'Look, man, I don't want to talk about money.'"

(Officials from Morningside and First House would not respond to VICE's multiple requests for interviews.)

Once inside the hospital, Ted talked with the physician in the ER who had pronounced Brandon dead--Dr. William H. Cloud. According to Ted, Cloud said something that stuck in his mind, telling the family that Hoag Hospital gets kids from rehabs all the time who die or suffer serious health complications as a result of the lack of care in those facilities.

After seeing Brandon's body, the Jacqueses sat down with Gates, who insisted on having his attorney present. Ted hadn't seen Brandon in two months and hadn't heard his voice in one, so he understandably wanted to see where his son had been living and talk to the people who knew him in his last days.

"And then it finally came out. He wasn't at Morningside when he died. He was at some place called First House."

Ted says that Gates told him the reason Brandon was moved to a new facility without notifying his parents was something about other Morningside patients "needing more critical care."

First House lost it license after Brandon's death for reasons including falsifying medical records and providing medical services illegally. 

Ten months after Brandon's death, the state ordered Morningside to shut down residential and detox services due to a multitude of violations, including operating beyond the scope of their license by providing medical treatment and carelessly administering prescriptions drugs. The state also cited Nurse Jill Shelton for running a pharmacy and ordering and distributing opiates like Subutex and Suboxone to clients at Morningside without a legal permit.

I spoke with former Morningside client Ilana Kekst, who claims she was at Morningside for six months between 2006 and 2007 for an opiate addiction. She told me, "There is no recovery there." Of her time there, she remembers things like drivers who were supposed to pick her up for AA meetings but never came.

At least nine former clients have also sued Morningside for never delivering promised treatment. City council initiatives chased the company's facilities out of Newport Beach, since locals didn't want rehab centers in their backyards. Morningside's main hub is now in Costa Mesa.

Despite the violations, Morningside Recovery still provides a wide range of treatment services in Southern California, even though several of their locations are listed on the California Department of Health Care Services site as "unlicensed facilities." The way they get around this, a former employee explains, is by providing "sober living" for all their clients--special housing for addicts that faces even fewer regulations than rehabs--and transporting them to a separate facility to do outpatient treatment.

"Every psychologist or doctor would say you need inpatient care if you called and said, 'I've been shooting heroin every single day for the past ten years.' But if you called Morningside today and said that, you'd find out one of two things," says the former Morningside employee. "Either they will lie and misrepresent themselves as an inpatient treatment center, even though there are now state regulations that say they can't provide that level of care. Or they're going to convince you that you don't need that level of care [even if you do]."

On October 15, 2014, the Jacques family settled a wrongful-death suit with Morningside and its parties for $3.7 million. Because the case never went to trial, the full extent of the clinic's practices remains unexplored. It's unclear how many other patients may have been, or continue to be, mistreated by Morningside.

Brandon was buried on April 11, 2011. On either side of Brandon's grave is a spot reserved for his parents.

First House lost its license five months after Brandon's death, in September 2011, for providing services beyond the limitations of its license, administering medication, falsifying medical records, using counseling services not recognized by the state, having more clients in a house than legally allowed, and giving new clients the meds of former clients.

Although First House is closed, Richard Perlin opened a new facility under the name of his girlfriend, Eddie Johnson, called Orange County Recovery. The new facility features several of the employees who worked at First House when Brandon was enrolled there.

Now that First House is closed, it has been revealed that the business also participated in secret kickbacks, paying Morningside. According to a deposition given by Richard Perlin, the company paid Morningside at least three times for "parking" clients at his facilities. Perlin says, "David Gates contacted me and said, 'Look, in order for us to utilize First House, Morningside would like to get $100 a day per person that we put in there.'"

The highest payout that he made on record for clients like Brandon was $3,000, which dates back to 2010. The three payments he disclosed in the deposition were made by check. No one knows how much may have been paid in cash, which is how the former Morningside employee said these transactions are typically made. The full scope of this relationship is unclear--as is the extent to which similar abuses are occurring at for-profit rehab centers all across America-but the way people like Perlin and his ilk look at their patients isn't unclear at all. In the deposition, he compared sick kids like Brandon to dirty clothes.

"[Morningside] runs a business there," he said. "They wanted to participate in the profit. There was a lot of intermediate precedence for different business that do that sort of thing. In other words... a dry cleaner sent a jacket out to have it cleaned elsewhere and then charged a premium on it."

Follow Wilbert L. Cooper on ​T​witter

Trying to Vote While Disabled Sucks

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Voting is "a fundamental characteristic of citizenship," says Ari Ne'eman, co-founder of the  ​Autistic Self Advocacy Netw​ork and presidential appointee to the ​National Council on ​Disability. "People with disabilities deserve to be recognized as equal citizens and equal participants in society. When our voting rights are denied, it's a fundamental undermining of our equality under the law."

Yet with election day dawning, access to that very right will be denied at polling places across the nation. Many disabled people are still  ​di​senfranchised by default, many polling places remain inaccessible despite the ​Americans with Disabilities Act, and turnout for disabled people generally trails the general population by around ​20 percenta​ge points.

Though people with different disabilities face different problems, they tend to all come together around this issue.  "I have seen my blind friends saying, 'If this law affects people with wheelchairs, I won't vote for the person supporting that,'" says Stephanie Woodward, ​Director of Advocacy at the Center for Disability Rights. "I see people with disabilities who aren't affected by an issue who still vote in support of others." That bloc-like thinking is, disability advocates argue, the only way to fight for access at the polls.

"When you take away our access to vote, it's a bigger slap in the face than anything else," Woodward says. "The only population that can genuinely be denied access to vote is the disabled population."

Inaccessible polling places isn't the only issue Woodward and Ne'eman are contending with. Some states don't allow adults living under guardianship--as many intellectually disabled people do--to vote. These statutes have been fought by, among others,  Clinton Gode, who has ​Down Syndrome and longed for the right to vote at 18. He was crushed when an Arizona court assigned guardianship to his parents, thereby stripping him of his voting rights. It took seven years for him to win the right to cast a ballot last year. 

It's not just people with cognitive and developmental disabilities who face problems at the polls, however.

"Earlier this year, the New York legislature actually voted to use inaccessible voting machines," Woodward says. "[At many polling places] the one accessible machine is not plugged in, not ready to use. In one case it was being used as a coat rack. The poll workers don't have training, so they think it's reasonable to offer to vote for people. People also feel segregated and pulled out by using a separate machine."

​Susan Mizn​er, the ACLU's Disability Counsel, is also concerned about voter ID laws, which have come under fire for affecting racial minorities far more than they do whites. But these laws hurt people with disabilities as well, Mizner says, because they tend not to have photo ID cards.  

"People with disabilities don't drive at three times the rate of the general population, don't travel abroad, don't have employment IDs, don't have college and university cards," she explains. "We're quite concerned that people with disabilities are going to face barriers at the polls where federal ID is a requirement."

In 2012, disabled voters faced all sorts of problems. According to Arkansas Times, when Deaf voter ​Ava Adams went to the polls in Arkansas, she was forced to cast a provisional ballot, a situation complicated by the fact that she had difficulty communicating with polling workers, who were inflexible when she requested accommodations and help with her vote.

Among blind people, voting presents an obvious obstacle: It's difficult to mark a ballot if you can't see it. Alameda County, California voter  ​R​ichar​d Rueda, poll workers decided that the solution to this problem was to read his ballot aloud to him in public, and force him to dictate his choices to them, meaning he had to hope that the poll worker marked the ballot correctly. (Rueda and four other plaintiffs are suing the county for not making voting accessible to the visually impaired.)

New York City in particular makes it hard on wheelchair users. Susan Scheer, a wheelchair user in Manhattan, was ​forced to fill out her ballot on the​ ho​od of a​ car outside the polling place because she couldn't get in the door. 

All of these accessibility issues have different solutions, but the underlying problem, Ne'eman says, "stems from the same place," which is why the disabled community as a whole is uniting to fight for the right to vote. 

"There's a recognition that if we don't all hang together, we're all going to hang separately," he adds. 

Follow S.E. Smith on ​Twitter.

Let’s Not Allow the Jian Ghomeshi Scandal to Give BDSM a Bad Name

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[body_image width='1000' height='667' path='images/content-images/2014/11/04/' crop='images/content-images-crops/2014/11/04/' filename='lets-not-let-the-jian-ghomeshi-scandal-give-bdsm-a-bad-name-909-body-image-1415119167.jpg' id='1068']Studded BDSM gear on display during Toronto's 2014 Everything To Do with Sex Show. All photos by Becca Lemire.​

​​If, like the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, you haven't been following the story, CBC Radio's former darling voice Jian Ghomeshi is now alleged, by no fewer than nine women, to be a sexual abuser. The police are now actively in​​vestigating after three of the women came forward to them directly. And his current whereabouts are unknown.

Ghomeshi leaped in front of the s​tory that the Star broke last Sunday, claiming in a lengthy screed on Faceb​​ook that he simply likes it rough, that he didn't do anything wrong, that everything was consensual, and one "jilted ex" was out to get him.

People who partake in BDSM have been feeling particularly pissed off about Ghomeshi's Facebook post in light of what are very serious allegations, because if they're true, what Jian engaged in is assault and not BDSM. Jian will have used his supposed love of rough sex to distract us from the women who came forward, and in the process, kinky folk will be dragged through the mud with him.

If you didn't already know, BDSM stands for dominance, discipline, sadism, and masochism. If you're a sadist, you may feel sexual pleasure from giving (consensual) pain. And if you're a masochist, you may feel pleasure from receiving it.

​[body_image width='1000' height='667' path='images/content-images/2014/11/04/' crop='images/content-images-crops/2014/11/04/' filename='lets-not-let-the-jian-ghomeshi-scandal-give-bdsm-a-bad-name-909-body-image-1415118754.jpg' id='1050']
​Sex educator Carlyle Jansen says "bruising and red marks" can be the outcome of a kinky session.

While I have experience with kink, I'm not an expert by any stretch. So I phoned Carlyle Jansen of Good For Her sex shop in Toronto. Jansen is a sex educator who teaches BDSM workshops, plus she proudly admits to having a kinky personal life. (She was also behind the first instalment of the Feminist P​orn Awards.) Jansen stresses that above all else, consent is the most important aspect of a BDSM relationship. A safe word is established at the outset, which can put a stop to any activity that may become uncomfortable.

Those taking part in BDSM must sit down with each other, and clearly articulate their boundaries before anything physical happens.

While consent is important in all sexual relationships, it's especially crucial to healthy BDSM. When defining where vanilla ends and kink begins, Jansen says the line is drawn at activities that require you to consult with your partner beforehand. Those activities could be anything from whipped cream to choking or flogging. Sometimes intercourse is a part of it, and sometimes it isn't. Jansen says bruising and red marks can absolutely be the outcome of a kinky session, but the degree to which that happens must be agreed upon in advance.

"It's best not to begin to negotiate that when you've already started [fooling around]," she says. Whether it's anal, slapping, or even dirty talk or pinching, it's important to be clear about what's OK and what isn't. As with any sex, BDSM has the potential to be physically or emotionally damaging. "A lot of people, at first, think it'll be awkward to talk about, and they wonder 'How do I bring it up?' But [it should be] part of the foreplay."

​[body_image width='1000' height='667' path='images/content-images/2014/11/04/' crop='images/content-images-crops/2014/11/04/' filename='lets-not-let-the-jian-ghomeshi-scandal-give-bdsm-a-bad-name-909-body-image-1415118790.jpg' id='1051']"Communication is crucial," for proper BDSM play, says expert Andrea Zanin.​

​It's also important to reaffirm consent regularly. Andrea Zanin is a BDSM educator and writer, and she's working on her PhD in gender, feminism and women's studies at York University. She published the piece "poor persecuted per​vert?" on her blog just after the story broke, and she spoke to me Friday to elaborate.

"Communication is crucial," she says. Consent should be established each time you play. Someone may love to be spanked and called names during sex one day, but then the next she might be feeling vulnerable. Maybe she had a shitty day at work. On those days, it might be less fun to be smacked and called a slut. She may need gentler play, or none at all.

I also asked if explicit verbal communication is needed for each session: "With people who are long-time play partners, they can sometimes forego some of the official stuff. But that doesn't mean it's not negotiated. It means it's been so negotiated, that it's considered kind of done."

As for kink being the current trend, Zanin says the only reason we seem to be talking about BDSM in Canada right now is that Ghomeshi used it to derail stories of serious assaults that had absolutely nothing to do with BDSM.

"As an educator, I'm happy people are interested. But we need to separate [BDSM] from discussions of whose story is true."

She also warns against jumping straight into rough play. The fact you've read 50 Shades doesn't mean you know how to safely choke your partner. Zanin writes about the community being divided on the subject of asphyxiation. Some people say it's risky enough that it shouldn't be engaged in at all. Though it's erotic for many of us who wouldn't necessarily identify as kinky, she says the division is, in part, precisely because of its popularity. The more people out there engaging in a risky act they know nothing about, the more dangerous it becomes.

​[body_image width='1000' height='667' path='images/content-images/2014/11/04/' crop='images/content-images-crops/2014/11/04/' filename='lets-not-let-the-jian-ghomeshi-scandal-give-bdsm-a-bad-name-909-body-image-1415118830.jpg' id='1052']
​​A woman is tied up during Toronto's Everything To Do with Sex Show.

I tell her about discussions I've had with friends about being choked. Some of us have had experiences where someone has choked us without asking. Though we knew they should have asked, we still liked it and gave physical or verbal signs of consent after the fact.

"I think that is probably the most dangerous territory you can play in, right there," she says. Though it works out sometimes, she says it's a terrible plan to assume a potentially violent act will be fine with your partner. People could have pre-existing injuries, illness or triggers that would make rough sex harmful for them. This holds true even for slapping--just because past partners have happened to be into it does not mean new ones will. If you slap without asking, well, you may actually be assaulting someone without knowing it.

"Talking about it is terrifying for some people. But the possible consequence is that maybe you'll wind up a rapist if you don't."

Many acts that fall under the category of BDSM require more ground work than just a quick discussion before the session. If you want to tie your partner up, Jansen says, it's crucial to be careful in tying the rope so that you don't cut off your partner's circulation and cause permanent nerve damage. You should also have surgical scissors on hand, in case you need to make a quick escape.

"This is good for when you have housemates or kids, or if your parents are around and you're thinking 'Ahh, get me out of here!' Once, I knocked over the candle and set the pillow on fire."

And if your partner wants to be punched, Zanin says, there are safe ways to do that. She's apprehensive in offering these details, though, and stresses that she in no way recommends trying this at home. She wants people to be safe, and she says there's no way to safely bring punching into your play from reading a few lines in an article. Then there's the fact that some BDSM is not quite legal in Canada. As U of T family law professor, Brenda Cossman, explained last wee​k in The Globe and Mail:

"...When it comes to BDSM - or at least its more intense versions - the law doesn't actually care about consent. The Supreme Court has said that a person cannot consent to an assault that causes bodily harm."

Historically, the inability to consent to violence has largely been applied to sports-related cases, but they have applied to sex in the past as well. The Supreme Court has said that consent given in advance, many times, isn't good enough. If people are engaging in erotic asphyxiation, for example, and lost consciousness, they cannot very well be engaged in an ongoing form of consent.

Because of this precarious legal scenario, it's incredibly important that BDSM play does not veer into the lane of excess. Jansen says it's important to go slowly. If you're into five things, for example, only try one at a time. That way, you and your partner(s) can gauge how well it went and whether there any issues. She says if you cross a boundary because you move too quickly, you might feel horrible about it the next day.

With BDSM, consent can be a grey area, according to Jansen. Some people will consent to a certain activity, begin to partake in it, and then change their minds part way through. But they may be reluctant to use their safe word for fear of letting their partner--or themselves--down.

​[body_image width='1000' height='667' path='images/content-images/2014/11/04/' crop='images/content-images-crops/2014/11/04/' filename='lets-not-let-the-jian-ghomeshi-scandal-give-bdsm-a-bad-name-909-body-image-1415119007.jpg' id='1055']
A spanking exhibition during the Everything To Do with Sex Show.

​Most of us think of consent as having very clear lines, but that's not always the case in a BDSM scenario. No doesn't always mean no, for starters. Often a safe word will be stand-in for the word no, so particular focus has to be placed on reacting to that word if it is said. You need to monitor your partner's reactions to what you are doing, even if they have given you their consent. If someone says they're okay with anal, or a series of spankings, but is clearly not enjoying it, you should stop and check in. Don't just keep going at them because they already said you could.

Kinky folk should also be aware of pre-existing power structures: if you're a man dominating a woman, if you have more money than your sub, or you're a white person dominating a person of colour, you need to give those circumstances special consideration.

And if you're drunk or high? A lot of people might refuse to play with you, because that, in their view, can affect your ability to give meaningful consent. The same holds true if someone is on the rebound, or if one partner is very into kink and the other isn't.

"If someone says, 'I love you, I'll do anything for you,' is that really consent?"

Checking in regularly is a must. "The conversations don't have to be super long," Jansen says. "You can just say 'No names today, floggings are good, you can pinch my nipples, but no anal.'"

"Even non-kinky couples should do this," Jansen says. "How many women do you know who endure what goes on? It's the same with kink. I don't wanna be playing with someone who's just going along. I want to play with someone who's really turned on. I would recommend every 5-10 sessions, for any couple, have a discussion."

I ask Jansen what people should do if they're in a situation like the ones the some of the women who have come forward against Ghomeshi are describing. Particularly, I'm curious about the scenarios in which women are punched and choked very hard. I know there can be no official answer. The old stand-bys for assault--saying no, blocking the person, screaming for help and running away--are all good bets, unsurprisingly.

"[Many people think] you just leave, you just say 'Fuck off,' you get out of there. But relationships, and sex, and how women are socialized--it's not that simple."

For the record, then: Random punches to the head that are wholly without context do not constitute BDSM play. BDSM play involves (often very hot) discussions about who is into what. It involves parameters being put around the play to ensure everyone is feeling comfortable and safe, and usually, both partners get what they want.

"The rest of world could take a real clue from the way BDSM is negotiated," Zanin says.

@sarratch

Prescription Drugs Are Quietly Killing My Generation

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This post originally appeared on VICE UK

Prescription drugs are easy to get ahold of, whether they come from a doctor or not. The other week I bought three Valium from my flatmate. I used one to catch up on sleep and gave the others to a friend who likes to mix them with alcohol. She practically fell asleep standing up. It was only then that I thought about how I probably shouldn't be buying prescription medication and doling it out. But because Valium is technically legal, and because I was four drinks down at a free bar when I gave them to her, it didn't really register at the time. 

Drugs like these--the painkiller Tramadol, psychoactive benzodiazepines like Xanax and Valium, or anti-epilepsy drug Lyrica--make you feel like you're floating on a cloud. In the UK, they come with lower penalties than illegal drugs if you're caught buying or selling them, no penalties for possession, and are generally cheaper. This is their appeal and also their danger.

In Britain last year, 220 registered deaths were attributed to Tramadol--almost 2.5 times the number seen in 2009--while 342 deaths from drug poisoning reportedly involved benzodiazepines like Valium, a 20 percent increase from 2012 and the highest number since records began in 1993.

In America, the problem is far worse. Over the last year, one in nine young people took prescription drugs without a prescription, and over 2,500 young Americans abuse prescription drugs for the first time each day. These kind of stats, along with high profile celebrity deaths like those of Heath Ledger and Michael Jackson, mean that many people often think of prescription drug abuse as an American problem. It's not.

Last month, a British couple in their twenties were found dead in a hotel room in Agra, India, due to an overdose from a cocktail of prescription drugs that included sleeping pills, antidepressants and cough medicine. The man, a 27-year-old teacher named Alex Gaskell, had spent the previous weeks posting a worrying series of Tweets about all the prescription drugs available to him over and under the counter there. "One prescription in India (after you have told the doctor what to write) will take you faaaaaar..." he wrote, and "'Codeine under the counter here. With Valium, Xanax and Lyrica. Winning."

The couple's overdose from these substances didn't surprise me, nor did Alex's Tweets about how readily available the prescription drugs were to him overseas. In England, the main kinds of addictive drugs available over the counter are Ibruprofen and Codeine, as well as some kinds of cough medicine. Other countries however, particularly those in Asia and central America, have less stringent policies.

The first time I went to India, at 19, I bought several packs of Valium from a chemist, just because I could. I was young and probably quite enamored by the idea of getting high off something that I could buy in a shop. I'd like to say that I have grown up since then, but I did the same in Cambodia this year, when I was 22. I walked into a pharmacy and bought two packs of Valium, in both 5mg and 10mg doses. I only took them to sleep on the flight home, but I know a lot of my friends--also in their 20s--would knock them back with a beer unthinkingly.

"They make you feel like you are stoned: mellow and laid back. People tend to be inoffensive on them."

When I was in Cambodia, for example, I met a number of young British travellers or expats who were taking a regular cocktail of pharmaceuticals with alcohol. The most common were Xanax, Valium and Tramadol, but I was told that it's also possible to buy liquid Ketamine, Morphine and Oxycontin. "You can get this stuff from any pharmacy," says Paul, 27, living in Siem Reap, when I called him this week to refresh my (hazy) memory of what it was like out there. "Prescription drugs are cheap and readily available here. It's pretty lawless." Why are they so popular, though? "They make you feel like you are stoned: mellow and laid back. People tend to be inoffensive on them."

But there is also a danger, as the Gaskills' death proved. "There's such a huge drug culture at universities, especially in the UK, that when graduates come here they think they are invincible," Paul tells me. "People come traveling to 'experiment.' I know people who have shot ketamine, or who have anally inserted Tramadol. It's scary, the amount of drug overdoses in young travelers." Said overdoses often go unreported, too. "If someone dies in your hostel you have to pay a huge amount of money to the police, so what often happens is that bodies are chucked out and later discovered."

These overseas deaths are alarming. But what is also alarming is the fact that you can bring the drugs back to the UK and continue the party.

Technically, Valium, Xanax, and Tramadol are controlled under the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971 as Class C substances. Importation into the UK without a prescription is prohibited and, if you have more than three months' worth, you need a Home Office import licence. I asked the UK Border Force why, then, I'd never heard of them asking to see a prescription, and they said they operate "an intelligence led approach toward their targeting and enforcement activity," which basically means that unless they're specifically looking for you, or you have so many you can barely shut your suitcase, no one gives a shit.

Import seems to be the most common way that they enter circulation among my friends, and it's often the "gap-year" type kids--people who wouldn't dare to trade in Class-A drugs--who are selling drugs like Valium.

An ex-dealer named Dan tells me that, because Valium has a relatively low street value, the margins on sales are small unless you're trading in huge quantities. When he used to sell Valium, he would buy them at between 30 and 50 cents each and sell them on for $1.50 if they were singles, or 80 cents in bulk. He bought them in their thousands off steroid users back home in Southampton ("roiders who used them to stop them from going mad"), but his main customers were students: "All the kids at uni loved them," he said, "because they got them to chill out and go to sleep after long sessions on uppers."

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Valium and Tramadol don't necessarily need to be bought from a dealer, though. A report by the Home Affairs Committee in December last year identified a growing problem of "doctor shopping," whereby prescription drug addicts sign up to multiple GPs to get multiple prescriptions. The report, which revealed that as many as 1.5 million people are addicted to prescription drugs in the UK, stated that deaths from Tramadol, Benzodiazepines, and Diazepam (Valium) have seen an overall increase in recent years and yet, as MP Keith Vaz claimed, "GPs are not collating data about how many people they suspect are abusing the system."

If a lot of GPs aren't seeing this as a concern, neither are the police. As well as finding that doctors and nurses were self-prescribing or giving drugs to friends and family, the Home Affairs Committee report includes a statement from the Metropolitan Police's Drugs Directorate claiming that they found seven London pharmacies selling prescription drugs under the counter. Prosecutions were only made at three. According to a police spokesperson, the lack of involvement of organized crime groups means that the misuse of these drugs were "unlikely to be a priority for Policing and Crime Commissioners," which sort of makes sense, except for the fact that more people in the UK died from addictions to prescription drugs than heroin in both 2012 and 2013. This isn't a problem that we, the police, or the Government can ignore.

It's also hard to know exactly how many of the 807 deaths from prescription drug-related causes in 2013 were accidental, and how many were deliberate overdoses. Yet one thing we can be relatively certain about is that, once you're taking enough mind-altering medication on a daily basis, any decision you make to take your own life is going to be a blurry one. Ex-Valium addict George, from Sunderland, tells me that the drug left him with a "complete lack of rational thought process," and among his friends, he's seen the way in which the drugs create a slippery slope to suicide. "It makes you numb, and that lack of emotion distanced me from those closest. It was all about wanting to escape."

Alix, a 25-year-old from London, had a similar experience. "I was taking Valium, sometimes with Lyrica, from morning to night for about three months, from January to March 2012." Plenty of her friends were taking prescription drugs, she says, but the ones taking them daily were limited to a group of four. "We didn't take anything seriously," she says. "We did runners from restaurants, stole from shops for fun and drove around wasted. Doing Valium for long periods of time takes your anxiety down so much that you don't give a shit about anything. You also don't remember anything. Twenty-four hours will roll into an hour. Time goes by without you feeling it."

After coming off the Valium Alix felt "psychotically paranoid"

What's ironic, though, is that when you abuse drugs like Valium, their medical effects are put in reverse--a bit like how I occasionally take prescription painkillers before I go to sleep but wake up with a banging headache. Nick Barton, Chief Executive of drugs charity Action on Addiction, told me that benzodiazepines are often introduced to help people cope with anxiety, but people build up a tolerance, take more and more, and then tend to get a far worse case of anxiety when they try to come off the drugs. Alix agrees. After coming off the Valium she felt "psychotically paranoid," and "thought everyone knew something that [she] didn't." Likewise, George admits that he "never actually had anxiety in the past, but developed anxiety as a result of abuse." He describes it as a vicious cycle.

I asked Barton how Action on Addiction tends to treat young benzodiazepine addicts in their clinics. "You would have to find out what kind of levels the person is taking. People are not always accurate about that," he says. "Then you'd start to withdraw them in a tapered way, sometimes substituting another drug that isn't quite as addictive." Withdrawal symptoms can include panic attacks and seizures, as well as severe psychological symptoms such as depression, often meaning that antidepressants have to be described. It's messy.

"People are dying because they are stupid," said Paul over the phone from Cambodia. "It's common sense that you shouldn't mix opiates with alcohol." But he's wrong. It's not common sense, because people with a brain like George, Alix and myself have done it in the past, and will probably do it again. As Barton puts it to me when we talk, "You use the word recreation, but for some people it's quite a dangerous recreation because for them it can begin a slide into addiction or overdose."

I ask him whether certain people are predisposed towards addiction, and he says that, although a family history of abuse can heighten your chances, the answer's a "not really". Barton could, perhaps, hear my intonation that addiction or overdose wouldn't happen to me. But speaking to George and Alix, it became clear to me that it could. They had both felt invincible, as we all do, but could only stop taking prescription drugs when their family and friends, respectively, sat them down and staged one of those awkward interventions you think will never happen to you.

"I was pissed off when they did it," says Alix. "My friends were going to call my parents, which I thought was ridiculous. I thought 'I'm an adult.' Obviously though, in hindsight, I'm glad they said something because I was on a downward spiral."

The idea of approaching a friend who you think--or know--has a problem with prescription drugs is going to be scary. You're probably not going to get a friendly response. But you'll feel better that you said something. Because there's no way of dressing it up: drugs like Valium can and do ruin people's lives. Looking back, George says it changed him, that he was "no longer himself". That, to me, seems like the paradox at the heart of drug abuse. We take drugs to alter our natural state, and then we wind up not liking the new person we become. Barton describes it as "a general social unease", whereby we feel we have to do something chemical to our bodies in order to relax, enjoy life, celebrate and commiserate.

A complex question resounded: What the hell is so wrong with us that we have to spend so much time changing the way we feel? But his suggestion struck me as simple: "Perhaps we could try it without?"

The names in this post have been changed.

Follow Amelia Abraham on ​Twitter

The 'Looking for a Girlfriend' Flyer Guy in New York Says He's Getting Laid More Than You

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For the past few months I've been seeing Dan Perino's face all over Greenwich Village. Tens of thousands of crude flyers plastered on every lamppost, mailbox, and vacant wall have turned Dan into a recognizable figure. With his bald head and Mona Lisa-like gaze, Dan's flyers state in simple terms that he's "Looking for a Girlfriend." At first there was no name, just a brief, honest description and a few uncut tear-off sheets bearing his phone number and a reminder: "Serious Enquiries Only." Dan's direct approach for love reminded me of those hilarious 80s dating videos before websites like OkCupid changed the scene forever. 

"I'm really looking for a girlfriend. This is not a joke," wrote Dan, "Just tired of the singles scene and hoping to meet the right person. I am a professional artist and creative person. You know who you are. To me each and every person is beautiful. Open to the possibility of the relationship morphing into something more profound." 

His latest flyers include a donation request to  ​an Indiegogo campaign for a ​​documentary about his search for love, to which, at press time, a grand total of $1 has already been donated. By Dan. I called him up and made plans for coffee to see if he'd had more luck with women than with crowdsourcing. When we met, he seemed a little nervous, which made me feel at ease. He clearly wasn't a pickup artist, nor was he a hopeless loser. He was just an average guy. Dan sat back in his chair, and spoke slowly and softly with a New York accent. He sounded more honest than desperate. Mostly he sounded tired.

VICE: I saw one of your flyers back in August. You've been at this for three months?
Dan Perino: Not even. Like nine weeks.

How many calls so far?
I was counting up to 6,000 and I lost track, but it must be over 7,000. I don't normally get calls from women, mostly men and [the media]. I get prankster calls. Just today I got a call from this guy posing as a woman, saying they were on Park Avenue and 23rd Street, and would I shave their lamb's balls? I said that for $8,000 I'd be right over.

What proportion of calls are serious?
On the first day, I got one date out of it, and CBS News called me. A lot of them were joke calls, maybe 90 percent. Then people watching the news saw that I wasn't crazy, and over the weeks people took me more seriously, and more and more news media got involved.

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How many dates have you been on so far?
I've had 86 dates in nine weeks. My best week was 36 dates in ten days. That's almost impossible. One day it was five dates.

But you still haven't found a girlfriend.
No. I'm still looking.

Do you ever get recognized as "that flyer guy"?
I get stopped maybe 15 to 20 times a day. I'm like a public figure now. I'm getting calls from Africa, all over the world, from people seeing it on the internet and Instagram. I get all these phone calls like, "Good luck" and people screaming outta their car windows, "'Ey, we're rootin' for ya!" I dunno, I don't see it. I guess I used to see the novelty in it, but I don't anymore. And I get hate, I get death threats from people.

What do they say?
Like, girls will call me at three o'clock in the morning and leave a message, but their boyfriends will look at their phones, and they call me up saying, "Hey man, what's my girl calling you for? You're dead, when I see you putting up flyers, you're dead. Stop putting up flyers, I'm gonna kill you." I get all of that.

What made you start putting them up?
Before I did this, I did an acting flyer, "Experienced Professional Actor," and I had the same exact picture. But I'd been thinking about it for a while. I met some girl that was doing some artwork in downtown and I asked her out on a date, and she said no. And it kinda... It didn't piss me off, but like, it'd been three years since I had a girlfriend, and something clicked. So the next day I put up the flyers. And umm, I didn't mean for all this attention, I didn't expect it.

What did you expect?
I thought, I'll find a girlfriend in a week and that'll be the end of it. Because I thought it would be such a great idea. Nobody's ever done it before, and now I have a lot of copycat people. There's one in Canada, one guy in Italy, and they're all copying me. I'm the first one. I'm the founder, and I'm probably the oldest one too.

How old are you?
Fifty-one.

How've your past relationships been?
I was married for a couple of years, got divorced about 15 years ago. Had one child. She's 17 now.

What does she think of all this?
She doesn't respond to it. Her friends do. They're on that internet, asking, "That's your father?" She's Korean. Half Italian, half Korean. So I'm really excited about this documentary.

Tell me about it.
I got eight calls from people wanting to do documentaries, but they said there was no pay. They're paying the camera man 200 bucks, but they're givin' me nothing? Then this one girl called me and I saw a sample of her work, and she's a genius. Her grandfather was kind of a famous filmmaker.

[youtube src='//www.youtube.com/embed/b3BVjUMTuP8?rel=0' width='640' height='360']

Would I have heard of him?
Probably. But I don't want to mention her name unless she gives me permission. We need to have everything worked out, everything planned, all the money ready, everything paid for to shoot in January. And we're just gonna do the whole thing. It'll be different stories, different events that happened on each date that I'll have to reenact.

How do your dates usually go?
I always bring a red rose to a date. At first there were dinner dates--I don't drink--but we were going out to pubs to play pool; I was spending like $300 to $400 per date, and it just ate up all my money.

Don't they all blend together? Do you keep track like in a notebook or something?
No, not anymore. I did in the beginning. I wrote everything down; jokes they would say, everything, but it was just too much.

Have you gone on multiple dates with the same person?
Yes. Maybe four times. I went out with this girl Samantha. Samantha drinks too much, but she's a real party animal and she's super hot. That's worth it. There was a bad one, she called me up said she was 45. I don't want 45. I want late 20s, or 30s. I want the possibility of having a family. Forty-five, I meet her in front of Fourth Street in the Bowery, and... [He gets a phone call] Here's one, you wanna get this on tape? Yes, hello? Yeah, I'm busy right now. [Hangs up] It's a crank call.

What'd they say?
"Hello?"

It was a guy?
Yeah, if you hear a giggle in their voice, or people in the background, hang up. People make jokes about it, like, "Oh, he's looking for a girlfriend," and just, what is so funny about it? It's a flyer. "Looking for a girlfriend." "Lost dog." What's so funny about that?

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Photo by Dennis Veteran

Have you tried online dating? What's the weirdest date you've had?
I had a very romantic one that was kind of weird. It's in the documentary. I get a call from this girl and she's stuttering her words, and I'm questioning whether she's a transvestite or not or whatever. She says, "I saw your flyer"--this is late at night--"and I'd really like to meet with you," and she says, "What's your address? I'll send a car for you." So a stretch limo pulls up, real big, and goes to 59th Street, the Plaza Hotel. I go in, knock on the door, she opens it and it's this girl with just a teddy on. I could see everything. So I close the door behind me, and the door's not even closed and she starts grabbing my shoulder, and she's grabbing my chest, and she's kissing me, and she's grabbing my, [gestures to his dick] my coke can, she's like going crazy all over me. And she was so beautiful, she was 25, drop-dead gorgeous, not tall but beautiful, curly blonde hair, blue eyes, and she says she wants me to fuck her so bad. "I'll take you anywhere" and "you look just like your picture," she's going on and on. I said "Listen, I'm looking for a relationship, I'm not looking to just get laid," and she gets very frustrated. So she lies down on the couch and says, "Sing me a song." And I said, "I can't sing" and so I grab a book and started reading to her from a book, and after a little while I could see her falling asleep from all the alcohol she drank. I just sit there, looking at her. What was on my mind, you know? I mean, you could see everything, just like, naked girl. So I picked her up and I took her to the other room, and I laid her down on the bed, put some covers over her, uhh, felt her a little bit, and I left.

No. I've met girls on Craigslist, but it's no fun. What, are you gonna have one woman? I get 100, or 200 a day calling me. I have a lot of fun.

Well, you know about Tinder and OkCupid and stuff, right?
Yeah, I know about all of 'em. I don't wanna be locked up in my house in front of a computer. I own a computer, I just can't remember the last time I've been on it. All my flyers have been made by somebody else, they only charge me three cents a copy.

How may have you printed now?
Probably 30,000. Guinness told me I hit the world record for most media attention of anybody in the entire history of history from a flyer being posted. A lot of people have said to me, in New York, that they're gonna do the same thing, and they've failed miserably.

Why?
Because nobody's going to call them. They're gonna call the original. I've got my flyer well organized. It's good. I saw two guys once on a flyer, and they didn't even leave a phone number, they just said, "If you see us walking around the East Village, give us a holler." I saw one guy and he had a piece of paper over the bottom of his face, and his also said "looking for a date"--not girlfriend, but "date," and he said he was a very good looking guy, but you could only see half his face. He's afraid, he's a scaredy-cat. He's a pussy. I put up my flyers, man, and these six young girls, 20-year-old girls, and they get such a kick out of it. They know who I am, I post the flyer right in front of them, and they're like, "You're the guy! We have you on Instagram, can we take a picture with you?" that's what it's gotten to be like.

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Photo ​via Instagram user  ​sarahlindig

So what'll you do about your fame if you find a girlfriend?
Well, then I guess I'll have to put an end to it.

Do you think being "the flyer guy" is more important to you now than finding a girlfriend?
That's... that's a good question. Most people ask me if it was a social experiment kind of thing, or an art project. And it was just purely... I want to find a girlfriend. I will stop putting up flyers when I find a girlfriend. But it has to be right. It can't just be dating, it's gotta be chemistry.

On that note, you said you turned down sex from that rich lady, but how often are you getting laid from your dates?
Uh... I might as well say it. Because I've never said it before. I've gotten laid... well, 86 dates and I've gotten laid... 86 times.

For real?
No, not quite. I can't count 'em.

But you're saying it's frequent.
Yes. Most of them. But not with the right women. I mean, I had a girl, I was up at her house, and she's suckin' my coke can--I have a coke can dick, seven-inch, it's huge--and at the same time she's watching The Honeymooners, there was a marathon. So I'm lying there and I'm watching her watching The Honeymooners, and I'm thinking, "What the fuck are you doing? Turn off the TV, concentrate on what you're doing." So I just get up, I put my clothes on, and I left. I didn't say anything to her.

Do you feel like most of the women you're getting replies out of are looking to get laid?
Most of the time, yeah, they just wanna get laid. I can tell by their words if it's just gonna be a hook-up or if it's something more. And I really just want a girlfriend, I don't wanna just have sex. But New York is kind of different. New York women just kind of date a lot of people, they don't really have a boyfriend. If they don't like you they'll say they have a boyfriend.

Have you learned a lot about women from this?
I think I know more about women than most people. Steve Harvey wanted me to come on his show, he wanted me to audition for some bullshit. Steve Harvey doesn't know his ass from... maybe he sticks his thumb up his ass. He's a real scumbag. All he does on his show is talk about romance... what the fuck does he know, Steve Harvey, about romance? You have to be in the field, man. That's the hunting grounds right out there. Women stop me all day long and they ask me these questions about why their boyfriend does this or that, and it always comes down to affection. The basic thing is affection. If you don't have a foundation in a relationship to become boyfriend and girlfriend--if you're only having sex--it's just gonna be a one-night gig. Then you go out and you realize you hate this fucking person.

What are you looking for besides affection?
I'm changing the way I think, lately. I've been seeing models. I like models a whole lot better than a cute, short blonde. I dunno, maybe I should put on the flyer that I'm only dating models now.

That's why your flyers work though, isn't it? You're upfront, you're not saying "Let's hang out."
I thought of changing it to: "Looking to get laid."

What's your criteria?
I'm lookin' for a girlfriend. She's gotta be smokin' hot. No old ladies, gotta be 25 to 30s. No 40-year-olds. She's gotta support me in what I'm doing. If I'm doing a movie, or if I'm doing this documentary, she'll be there right by my side. So the public won't see a fugly woman around my arm. I don't fuckin' want that, a fugly woman. Keep 'em away from me. I want the damn models.

Follow Jules Suzdaltsev on Twitter.

When Is Congress Going to Rein In FBI Surveillance?

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According to ​James Comey, director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, "Americans should be deeply skeptical of government power. You cannot trust people in power."

So it's been jarring to learn new details about his own agency's activity in recent months, many of which raise questions about whether the FBI is fulfilling its constitutional obligations. The most alarming of these revelations is that the Bureau is reading the emails of people--they don't know how many people--without court orders.

The FBI does this under what have been called "backdoor searches." When the feds collect content from people overseas who are suspected of terrorism or spying, they dump that into a database that the FBI can (and does) query when it gets tips. Director Comey said in response to a question after his s​pe​ech at the Brookings Institution last month that this only happens "pursuant to an investigation." But that's not true--FBI's personnel can access Americans' emails even before they start a formal investigation.

Senator Ron Wyden of Oregon has been warning obliquely about backdoor searches for years now. In June, he finally got the government to provide​ ​details about how frequently its agencies conduct them. While the numbers for the NSA were fairly limited (the CIA less so), Director of National Intelligence James Clapper's office told Wyden they couldn't come up with a figure for how often the FBI accesses such content.

"The FBI does not track how many queries it conducts using US person identifiers," Clapper's office revealed. Still, the FBI routinely conducts such queries "to locate relevant information that is already in its possession when it opens new national security investigations and assessments. Therefore, the FBI believes the number of queries is substantial."

In July, the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board (PCLOB), a government body mandated to provide privacy reviews of counterterrorism programs, released a report on Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) Section 702,  the law authorizing the PRISM program that obtains intelligence from US internet providers. PCLOB's report revealed these searches are conducted "whenever the FBI opens a new national security investigation or assessment," as well as sometimes "in the course of criminal investigations and assessments that are unrelated to national security efforts." In a statement to VICE, the FBI confirmed that "agents and analysts may query those communications in an assessment."

What we still don't know is precisely how the FBI is using this database of content during assessments. The Bureau's Domestic Investigations and Operations Guide (DIOG)--the procedures guiding its agents as they conduct investigations within the US--lays out several potential applications. They can be used before opening a criminal or national security investigations for "prompt and extremely limited checking out of initial leads." They can be used to map out the ethnic and religious makeup of communities, just in case the FBI needs to find that community in a pinch--a practice sometimes​ ca​lled racial profiling. And they can be used to learn about people who might be persuaded to become informants.

When I asked the FBI specifically whether they conduct backdoor searches for assessments used to profile communities or find informants, a Bureau spokesman would only point me back to the DIOG. But a former FBI agent with knowledge of how the process worked confirmed the Bureau does, in fact, conduct backdoor searches to assess potential informants in order to make sure the informant actually has contact with the target in question.

The Bureau says it has no way of knowing how many of these searches it is doing but is clear that the number is quite high.

The thing is, assessments are different from investigations  because FBI doesn't need any evidence of wrongdoing. While the Bureau can't use a person's speech, politics, or religion as the sole reason for assessments (that pesky Constitution) it can use those characteristics as one reason among several. In other words, the FBI may have nothing more than a called-in tip before searching to see if an American's communications, perhaps years old, are in this database. Agents and analysts who have undergone training to access this information can read it without a warrant (though PCLOB notes that those without training can easily get a colleague to query the data).

The Bureau says it has no way of knowing how many of these searches it is doing, but are clear that the number is quite high. After all, the FBI keeps content from both individual (FISA) collection of US in the same database as content from Section 702, which requires no more than a foreign intelligence purpose to target foreigners. In the statement to VICE, the Bureau said it does this to "allow the FBI to 'connect the dots' between the different types of collection." The Bureau doesn't track whether the queries it makes in that database are of US persons or foreigners. It simply doesn't keep the records needed to track how many backdoor searches it conducts.

Even worse: Congress won't make it start doing so.

In the USA Freedom Act, the Senate bill meant to reform the NSA's sprawling surveillance regime, the FBI--and only the FBI--is exempted from having to count its backdoor searches. The bill also exempts the FBI from counting how many US persons get swept up in its use of another authority, Section 215 of the Patriot Act, the statute currently used to collect some significant subset of all Americans' phone records. In addition to those phone records, FBI also uses Section 215 for other "tangible things," which it can collect in significant bulk. The FBI says it won't start counting the Section 215 records obtained because the records it collects (which include email metadata, hotel records, and sales transactions, in addition to phone records) "typically do not indicate the location of the sender or recipient at the time of communication or collection." So learning the location would "require the FBI to scrutinize certain communications or take additional investigative steps to determine the location of the communicants." Basically, FBI says tracking what it is doing would, by itself, be a privacy invasion.

But the FBI's exemption from this kind of record-keeping means the agency whose backdoor searches should be most closely monitored evades all scrutiny.

"The FBI is the only agency whose use of the Section 702 'backdoor' can actually hurt you," Mike German, a fellow in the Brennan Center for Justice's Liberty and National Security Program at NYU and a former undercover FBI agent, told me. "The FBI can put you in jail for something they find in this pool of data that has nothing to do with terrorism or espionage or any national security threat that justified the dragnet."

Then there's National Security Letters (NSLs). These are orders the FBI can write for itself to get phone or email records (as opposed to the content of the messages) or financial data for national security investigations; no judge ever reviews them unless a telecom provider challenges the order. In a recent re​p​​ort, the Department of Justice's Inspector General revealed a discrepancy in the FBI's count of its NSL use. The FBI had reported fewer National Security Letters to Congress than it had counted internally; it was missing around 6.8 percent of its 2009 NSLs in congressionally mandated reporting (or some 2,231 NSLs in addition to 30,442 documented requests).

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FBI Director James Comey. Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

On top of that discrepancy, the FBI persistently misses a small number of NSLs (the Bureau hides exactly how many) by bypassing an automated system introduced precisely to fix persistent problems with NSL reporting. While the number appears to be just a tiny percentage of the total, the IG Report questions whether FBI may have missed even more: "What remains unknown, however, is, whether the FBI inspectors identified all the manually generated NSLs issued by the FBI or whether a significant number remains unaccounted for and unreported."

These smaller discrepancies should raise concerns because manual NSLs address "sensitive" requests. When asked, the FBI could not explain if this usage of "sensitive" adopted the DIOG's definition--investigations involving politicians, journalists, or clergy--though it did explain that "the term 'sensitive' is often used to describe cases that require a close hold for operational reasons."

The Bureau's failure to track its intelligence collections poses serious problems. First and most obvious is that it makes it very hard to conduct oversight. 

The FBI also refuses to track how it uses NSLs as it moves through theirsystem by tagging the data electronically. So it can't easily tell how much gets shared with local authorities or used in criminal prosecutions. "The Working Group is not convinced," a review group on this issue concluded in 2010, "that learning the frequency with which NSL-derived information ends up in analytical products or criminal investigations would help determine anything of value." The FBI even lacks the paper backup to track what it does with NSLs in about half its files.

The Bureau's failure to track its intelligence collections poses serious problems. First and most obvious is that it makes it very hard to conduct oversight. The DOJ's Inspector General had no way of ensuring his agency tracked all of the FBI's NSL usage. Regarding 702 backdoor searches, PCLOB judged "the manner in which the FBI is employing US person queries, while subject to genuine efforts at executive branch oversight, is difficult to evaluate." And, of course, under the USA Freedom Act, the FBI won't even be required to give Congress meaningful numbers reflecting the privacy impact of most of its intelligence collections. The FBI likes to say all this gets closely overseen, but it's hard to understand how that's possible if it can't provide numbers for what it's doing.

Just as important is the government's obligation to explain what evidence it uses to investigate defendants. For some of these tools, the feds must provide notice if it intends to use the evidence against them in trial; for others, it must do so if it might help prove their innocence. Yet only in the last year has DOJ started complying with an obligation to inform defendants if materials used against them were derived from Section 702 spying, and only after Solicitor General Don Verrilli got caught misleading the​ Supreme ​C​ourt about that very question. Additionally, in spite of language in FISA orders since September 2009 permitting the use of the phone dragnet data for discovery purposes, the DOJ has only ever given one defendant notice that it used Section 215 against him. The feds even refused to provide notice to Boston Marathon bombing suspect Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, despite repeated boasts by government officials that they used the phone dragnet in the aftermath of that attack.

Records showing the FBI participates in the Hemisphere Project (another easy way for federal agencies to obtain phone records) heightens concerns about the Bureau explaining where leads come from.  ​Pro​gram ​docu​ments explicitly tell users to hide the program from defendants. "DO NOT mention Hemisphere in any official reports or court documents," a program slide instructs. If the FBI is hiding this investigative method, it's likely hiding others as well.

Hiding the source of a defendant's prosecution can strike at the core of due process guaranteed by the Constitution.

To challenge the FISA warrants or the use of informants, defendants may need to know whether the government had any real reason to suspect them to begin with. And for investigative authorities that have never (least until recently) been legally challenged, defendants would need to know that--and in some cases, how--the authority was actually used.

To get around the secrecy regarding the techniques used against defendants, lawyers for several men accused of material support for terrorism, a charge that often hinges on what a person knew and what he meant by something he said, have started playing an obscene game of pin the tail on the donkey. In both the Reaz Q​adir Khan ca​se in Oregon and the case against Jamshid Muhtoro​v and Bakhtiyor Jum​aev in Colorado, defense attorneys have submitted motions listing all the authorities their clients might have been exposed to. In the former case, attorney Amy Baggio went so far as to make a table showing as many as five authorities per piece of evidence leading to a search warrant that may have authorized the collection.

Hiding the source of a defendant's prosecution can strike at the core of due process guaranteed by the Constitution.

"Without knowing which evidence was derived from which authority and when, defense counsel in any case is completely unable to assess possible constitutional violations posed by the method of evidence collection," Baggio explained in an interview. "These are simple requests for information about how the government conducted itself so that we can assess whether its behavior violated our Constitution, and if so, make appropriate arguments to the Court."

While government officials have defended the NSA dragnet over the last year and a half, pointing to the approval of the secret FISA court, defendants have consistently been prevented from challenging them in an adversarial proceeding, largely because the government has not told them how they were found.

And remember: It's not just the due process rights of a handful of Muslim men. As Baggio points out, the FBI is sitting on huge databases of this information. "The due process problem arises... when the Executive relies on its foreign intelligence gathering power to collect millions--or billions--of pieces of personal information, much of which appears... to implicate the protected privacy interests of US citizens."

Which raises one more reason the FBI probably refuses to count all these national security tools. "The government's refusal to properly track and disclose its use of these surveillance tools allows it to mask their impact on Americans' privacy, short-circuiting any informed public debate about their wisdom," argues ACLU National Security Project Attorney Patrick Toomey. If the public knew "the number of backdoor searches the FBI performed in the course of ordinary criminal investigations, it could understand how these spying programs are actually being used--and Americans would be surprised."

In the meantime, we're left with the FBI's bizarre claim that keeping track of what its agents are doing with these billions of records would harm our privacy.

"It simply does not make sense for a reporting requirement designed to monitor privacy impact on US persons to result in further scrutiny or investigative activity that may not otherwise be pursued," the agency said in its statement. But the FBI seems to be asking Americans to go ahead and trust it, even as its director, Comey, warns us not to do just that.

Marcy Wheeler an an independent journalist who writes about national security and civil liberties. Follow her on Twitter.


Photos of My Dad, the Amateur Scientist

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​When I was a kid, my father's drawers were packed full of brown glass bottles. They carried skull and crossbone warning labels and reeked of strange, sour things. "These are not toys Graham, these are tools for science," he'd point at them and say.

We sat together mixing a homemade explosive that--once dried--would be volatile to the touch. I crouched, watching my father stir the chalky purple mixture. "Now promise me, you will not touch anything until I come back," he said. I nodded in reply, unable to look away from the drying paste. 

Ten minutes later, I was still staring--I couldn't resist. I nudged it gently with a stick. Nothing. I poked at it again. Silence. I found a hammer discarded nearby. My father walked back into the garage just as the hammer came crashing down on the dry powder. A deafening bang and purple mushroom cloud had engulfed his eight-year-old son. He thought he killed me.

I've been photographing my father and his science experiments for a long time. He is not a professional scientist. He is just a dad with a love for chemical reactions and things that go ka-boom.

See more of Graham's work ​he​re.



What Life Is Like for Liberians Dealing with the Ebola Outbreak

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A stall in ​Monrovia. Photo by Tyler Stiem

For the first time in months, there is reason for hope in Liberia. Last week, the World Health Organisation (WHO) declared that the country's Ebola outbreak--which has infected nearly 5,000 people, with a fatality rate exceeding 50 percent--​may be slowing down. Hospitals in the capital, Monrovia, are no longer overwhelmed with patients, and public health authorities are reporting a drop in new cases. The good news comes on the heels of a preliminary WHO report that suggested the infection rate in West Africa ​could reach 10,000 per week by the end of the year.

However, even if the outbreak in Liberia is indeed losing momentum, caution is still in order. The past few weeks have also  ​seen a spike in new infections in neighboring Sierra Leone and ​the first documented case in Mali. For now, the only certainty is that Ebola has implanted itself into the lives of millions of West Africans. Life goes on--and will continue to go on for a long time to come--in the shadow of the virus.

I wanted to know how people in Monrovia, where the outbreak has hit hardest, are coping, so I checked in with my old friend Segbe Nyanfor, a human rights activist and long-time resident. Having come of age during the first Liberian civil war (1989-1997), and started a family during the second (1999-2003), Segbe has seen his fair share of upheaval. 

A few years ago, while reporting on Liberia's first post-war election, I had the good fortune to stay with him and his family, who were incredibly generous hosts. During the day I shadowed Segbe and his team of election monitors. At night I'd listen to ​his stories about the Charles Taylor era, always told with the same nuance and understatement. So I figured that if anyone could put the current crisis into context, it would be him. Recently, he agreed to answer a few of my questions.

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​Segbe Nyanfor

VICE: Segbe, thanks for talking to me. How's the family?
Segbe Nyanfor: The family is fine. Junior [Segbe's 21-year-old son] is finishing his senior year in biology at university. He wants to become a doctor. Once he's done his first degree he can apply to medical school at the University of Liberia. But school [has been] suspended since August. Many of the students are fearful because there have been some cases of Ebola. A few students died. In fact, all of the schools [have been] suspended since August--primary, high school, all of the educational institutions. The girls [Segbe has two daughters, 13 and 18] are at home, too. My wife is staying with them.

What's it like outside right now?
These days in Monrovia, the streets are empty. You might meet very few people on the street. Public offices are suspended, school is suspended. The markets are quiet, one or two businesses are open. I go to my office three, four days in a week, but most of my colleagues do not go at all. For the past three or four months everyone is staying home. They are too fearful. It's like it was during wartime. I remember people were fearful to go out; they just stayed home. It is the same today. Except, with Ebola, you can't see the enemy. And what we have right now is a curfew.

Why is there a curfew?
The government wants to reduce the chance of people spreading the disease. They make people stay at home from 11 PM until 6 AM so the medical workers can see what is what, who is getting sick.

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A technician setting up a test for Ebola within a containment laboratory. Photo by Dr Randal J Schoepp ​via

The government is sending health workers door-to-door to look for cases?
Sometimes. There is a number you can call if you have symptoms or you see someone who is sick.

Do people blame the government for the epidemic?
At the beginning everyone was blaming the government. Ebola spread too quickly because the government did not act fast enough. There was some education but not enough action. People quickly realized they have to depend on themselves to stay safe. For prevention, I think this helped. No one is waiting for the government to save them. We are taking our own precautions.

How do you stay safe when you go out?
What I do is what everyone does: I avoid touching and I carry a small bottle of chlorine solution for washing the hands. People are wearing long sleeves and they avoid going in vehicles with many other people. You know the transport here, everybody crowds in close together on the buses and taxis. Not any more. Every time you go in a vehicle with lots of other people--wherever there is contact--you wash yourself right away to eliminate any possibility of contact with Ebola.

I am washing all the time. Ebola is making crazy habits.

[body_image width='800' height='450' path='images/content-images/2014/11/03/' crop='images/content-images-crops/2014/11/03/' filename='this-is-what-life-is-like-for-normal-liberians-dealing-with-the-ebola-outbreak-230-body-image-1415047644.jpg' id='805']A sign posted at a Monrovia radio station. Photo by Ben Monroe ​via

That must be exhausting, always having to worry about touching people. In Liberia, everyone is always shaking hands, hugging.
Not anymore! Now there is no more shaking of hands in Liberia.

So there's a lot of fear.
You could say so, yes. People are worrying. There is more fear than Ebola.

Has anyone in your neighborhood been sick?
Some people have come down with a fever, but it turned out to be malaria and other illnesses. Everyone was fearing the worst because it is hard to tell what is Ebola and what is a common illness until you are very sick. Every household has a solution bucket at the entrance of the house where you wash your hands, your exposed body parts and the soles of shoes with that solution.

Do you worry about keeping your family safe?
For three or four months now my children do not go out to play with other kids. They must clean their hands every time they enter the house and they do not touch one another, either. It's difficult for our family and for all families, not touching like that, because it has been so long. We look at each other, no hugging, no touching.

It is very difficult, but we are all getting accepted to that, forming new habits. Those of us who don't follow the new habit, we will get sick eventually. So everyone keeps to themselves. That's the best way to be safe, but it is difficult, being isolated from your friends and relations.


Water containers treated with chlorine outside Liberia's new National Ebola Command Centre (Photo courtesy of CDC Global via)

What do you do for fun?
People are talking on the phone--that is replacing social contact. Where before there would be some gathering [where] people would get together--in the market, in the community, in the church--now people are keeping to themselves. It was a traditional way, being close, but no more... no one is doing that now. People are wary of others, not like before. Church is the only time we go out together as a family every week.

It really is a new way of life for Liberians. Ebola is changing our traditions. Before, when someone died and there was a dead body, people--the family--they gathered together to pray. They might sleep over at the house of the deceased and mourn the dead together. It is an important ritual. But that has been rebuked. We know that, at some funerals, everybody got sick with Ebola. That has made everyone afraid. So the tradition of washing bodies--that's stopping because people got sick and died. If people want to do that now--if they want to observe the old traditions--they have to get a health worker to come to determine whether the person died of Ebola or not. If the body tests positive for the Ebola virus it is taken away and cremated, or treated with chlorine and buried. We don't say goodbye as we normally would. Other traditions are being abandoned, too, because people want to be safe.

Are people hopeful that the epidemic will be over soon?
We are praying for the dry season to slow the outbreak. The good news is that the virus doesn't last as long away from the body when it is very hot outside. There is hope that now it will be harder for the virus to spread. Normally we don't want so much sun, but now we welcome it. But even after Ebola is gone it will take some time to go back to the old way of life, just like after the war. There is too much fear right now.

This interview has been edited for clarity and length.

Follow Tyler Stiem on ​Tw​itter

Watching for Aliens in the UFO Capital of Scotland

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Photos by Alistair Pryde

This post originally appeared on VICE UK

Bonnybridge is a small town in central Scotland that to the casual observer looks fairly unremarkable. Once home to a variety of industries, from brickworks to iron foundries, it is now largely another commuter dormitory thanks to its proximity to Glasgow and Stirling.

But Bonnybridge enjoys a remarkable international profile out of all proportion to its modest size. To those who still believe The Truth Is Out There, this is Scotland's Roswell, where hundreds of UFO sightings have been reported over the last two decades. The town--if the sightings are to be believed--became an intergalactic tourist hotspot following an incident in 1992, when a man claimed to see a star-shaped object hovering over a road. Subsequently, more than 600 reports of sightings were made between 1992 and 1994 alone.

Residents packed out town hall meetings to discuss the phenomenon and a local councillor began writing letters to 10 Downing Street demanding answers. What had started as an amusing story for the Scottish press quickly escalated as film crews from as far away as Russia pitched up to record features and hopefully catch a glimpse of an alien spacecraft.

Sceptics pointed to the fact that Bonnybridge is under flight paths serving Edinburgh and Glasgow international airports, and a commercial airfield operates only a couple of miles away in Cumbernauld.

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Local interest in UFOs seemed to have petered out when I first visited Bonnybridge in 2010 as a local news reporter. I was aware of the legend but, like most people I spoke to, I viewed it as little more than a 1990s curio--a product of a time when The X Files was promoted to BBC1 and Hollywood still made films about little green men.

But Bonnybridge's reputation for UFOs never diminished completely. In 2011, Time magazine listed this part of eastern Stirlingshire in a "6 UFO Hot Spots Around the World" feature. Despite the flame still lingering, it was something of a surprise when I was invited along to a "skywatch" on the night after Halloween, as part of the first Scottish Paranormal Festival in Stirling.

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The attendees of the skywatch

The premise was simple: anyone who was interested should meet at 10.30PM, before travelling to a rural spot in an elevated position outside of the town. A couple of UFO experts would give talks on sightings, but the main element appeared to be looking for bright lights in the sky that couldn't be explained as Boeing 737-800s carrying Scots abroad for some late autumn sunshine.

I was dubious if anything out of the ordinary would be spotted, but I was interested in meeting some of the people who describe themselves as "ufologists", and to see if I could find out why this most unlikely of Scottish urban legends has persisted over two decades.

I roped in my brother for the ride, figuring another pair of skeptical eyes could only be a good thing at such an event, and we found ourselves standing in a Co-op store car park on a typically dark and wet Scottish November evening, as locals in fancy dress walked past on their way to warm-looking pubs.

I was surprised by the numbers that turned up. Around 35 people, ranging from early-20s to over-60s, had donned water proofs and woolly hats to voluntarily spend their Saturday night in the cold. Many had travelled impressive distances, with at least half a dozen venturing from south of the border. The mood was one of quiet excitement, like a work team-building exercise to a paintballing center.

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Malcolm Robinson of Strange Phenomena investigations

Malcolm Robinson, an amiable Scottish ufologist who has written on the Bonnybridge sightings for over 20 years, was one of the event's two organisers. "What brings us here tonight is the numerous UFO sightings that have occurred across the Stirlingshire skies," he explained.

"Do I believe in UFOs? Do I believe there's something in the skies above Bonnybridge? You better bloody believe so. I wouldn't be here if I didn't think there was something very real, very tangible occurring."

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Dave Hodrien  chairman of the Birmingham UFO Group

The other organiser was Dave Hodrien, the 37-year-old chairman of the Birmingham UFO Group--a man whose interest in the subject is such that he married his wife on the outskirts of Area 51. "I think interest in UFOs remains around the same level as it has been in the past," he said.

"There are sadly less people prepared to actually turn up for meetings or events than there were in the past, but this doesn't mean interest has waned, it has just moved online."

We followed a convoy of around a dozen cars out of town and along narrow countryside roads before arriving at an isolated spot near Craigburn Woods. There were no streetlights here, and a biting wind had lowered the temperature several degrees. But the mood remained cheerful. Many seemed happy just to be out doing something different.

"We're not really into UFOs, to be honest," said Robert Sheehan, who had arrived with his pals from the Paranormal Festival. "I'm skeptical we'll see anything--but I have seen something strange, years ago, driving home to Liverpool. We looked up at the sky and there was this triangle, turning in the sky, at Bristol. We dismissed it at the time, but we found out three months later there had been loads of similar sightings."

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Cllr  Billy Buchanan

With midnight approaching, Billy Buchanan, a long-serving Bonnybridge councillor, explained that UFOs are not a subject that elected representatives tend to treat seriously. "We've faced mass ridicule over the years," he said. "I remember going to our local MP and telling him I had about 130 people who had seen something that they could not explain. He told me it was electoral suicide.

"Every prime minister since 1992, myself and Malcolm have contacted asking for answers. We don't seem to be getting any closer to the truth of the matter."

We huddled around listening to more talks from Dave and Malcolm, both of whom had an impressive knowledge of various sightings from across the country, but mostly we admired the panoramic views of the Ochil Hills looming in the distance.

While we didn't see any UFOs, we were afforded clear sightings of those other great flashing objects in the sky--star constellations. If you live in a city like me, that's a rarity in itself. After a while we called it a night, but we left behind a sizable group who seemed in no mood to leave.

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The following day I was eager to hear a more local perspective. I spoke to journalist Kevin Schofield, chief political correspondent at The Sun and a Bonnybridge native. In the mid 1990s, he filed regular stories on sightings as a local reporter. He was sanguine when asked about his home town's extraterrestrial reputation, but added that not everyone felt the same.

"I've lost count of the number of times people reply 'ah, the UFO capital of Scotland' when I tell them I'm from Bonnybridge," he said. "I find it quite funny, but I'm probably in the minority in the village, where folk would probably rather not be reminded of it. Anything that puts Bonnybridge on the map is fine by me, but it would be nice if it was something other than UFOs."

It's hard to think of another reason why a disparate group from across the UK would choose to visit Bonnybridge. The skywatch might not have proved that aliens are visiting central Scotland, but the idea of UFOs are still drawing visitors from far away.

Follow Chris McCall on ​Twitter

Yes, The Midterms Actually Do Matter

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The 2014 midterm elections are ​fin​ally u​pon us, and no one in America cares. Hell, you probably didn't even know there was an election today until Faceb​ook started fucking with your new​s feed. Less than 40 percent of registered voters are expected to participate in this year's elections, and pollsters say that those numbers are generous. Any way you look at it, the vast majority of Americans will stand by, passing up their chance to vote in key gubernatorial, Senate, and House elections, and on dozens of ballot initiatives and other down-ballot races today.

And that's a shame. Sure, the 2014 campaign may have been about noting. But voter choices today will directly impact the quality of air we breathe, how much we pay in taxes, and whether the country's broken immigration system gets fixed before we start collecting Social Security. And all this, of course, will determine whether or not President Barack Obama spends the rest of his presidency playing defense, his legacy petering out in an anticlimactic sigh that reminds us there really is no such thing as hope or change.

With the House expected to stay firmly in Republican control, and the GOP in a good position to capture a Senate majority, the first order of business for a unified Republican Congress will likely be to pass a full repeal of the Affordable Care Act, kicking off what could amount to a two-year cycle of GOP leaders passing bills just for Obama to veto. Big tax cuts will also likely be sent to the president for all-but-certain rejection. It's the sort of whack-a-mole position that tied President George W. Bush in knots during his final two years in office, after Democrats swept control of Congress in 2006.

Here's a look at some of the other key issues at stake when voters head to the polls on Tuesday: 

Poisoned Climate
Republican Senator James Inhofe's views on climate change are captured neatly in the title of his 2012 book, The Greatest Hoax: How the Global Warming Conspiracy Threatens Your Future. If the GOP wins a Senate majority on Tuesday, the Oklahoma Republican has a good chance of chairing the Committee on Energy and Public Works. The panel has broad sway over climate legislation. Or in Inhofe's case, the ability to block it from even being considered.

Inhofe authored a report titled  ​"The Facts and Science of Climate Change," arguing that "alarmists will scare the country into enacting their ultimate goal: making energy suppression, in the form of harmful mandatory restrictions on carbon dioxide and other greenhouse emissions, the official policy of the United States." He also questioned whether global warming "is even a problem for human existence."

It doesn't matter than 97 percent of scientists polled say human-caused climate change is a real and present danger, ​ ​according to a National Academy of Sciences survey. In a unified Republican Congress, it's all but guaranteed the Obama administration will be forced to constantly fend off proposals to weaken environmental regulations.

Just look at what's happened in the GOP-controlled House of late. Republican lawmakers have voted to dial back, or altogether block, a wide range of EPA regulations. That includes controversial regulations at the center of Obama's climate change agenda, like the EPA's plan to limit greenhouse gas emissions from power plants. Another GOP-passed measure would block the EPA's proposal to tighten restrictions on what fill materials companies may dump into waterways. On top of that, Republicans have also tried to block the Interior Department's efforts to list certain animals on the Endangered Species List. If the party wins a Senate majority, and the accompanying control over key committees, expect the GOP to double down on these efforts.

A Last Stand in Kansas
Washington isn't the only place where the midterms will affect Americans' everyday lives. State capitals are arguably even more important to policy change. That's why it's notable that the Republican governor of Kansas, one of the country's most blood-red states, is in serious electoral trouble this year. 

Governor Sam Brownback, a red-meat Republican who previously served in the Senate, is seeking a second term, after spending the last four years building a Tea Party utopia of slashed social services, reduced education spending, and joyous tax breaks to business. According to the ​Associated Press, "at Brownback's urging, legislators cut the state's top personal income tax rate by 26 percent, exempted the owners of 191,000 businesses altogether--and promised future reductions."

Brownback argued that his plan would bring a flood of jobs to Kansas, pumping up income tax collections. But the "Kansas experiment" hasn't gone the way that Republicans had fantasized it would. In fact, living in Kansas kind of sucks right now, especially if you like things like jobs and schools and healthcare. State revenue has been down more than 35 percent, according to official estimates, and it's been unclear at times whether the state had enough to open schools on time or keep state prison inmates behind bars.

"The tax cuts are bleeding the state of needed funds to pay for high-quality public services to the people of Kansas," the  ​Kansas City Star​ editorial page recently intoned. "If the revenue problems continue, the next governor is going to have to cut services to the people--and certainly halt proposed bigger tax reductions in their tracks."

All this has given an opening to Brownback's Democratic challenger, state Senate minority leader Paul Davis, who has gained support from moderate Republicans and independents turned off by Brownback's draconian reforms. The Republican governor might still survive on Tuesday (the  ​latest polls shows him catching up to Davis) but any illusions conservatives had about his prairie utopia probably will not.

Immigration and National Security
Since President Barack Obama cruised to reelection in 2012, Democrats and political analysts have been making dire predictions about the GOP's future ability to compete, given the nation's rapidly shifting demographics. Obama won twice with an expanding coalition of young voters, blacks, and Latinos. Meanwhile, Mitt Romney crushed Obama among white voters, 59 percent to 39 percent, but ultimately it didn't matter.

Midterm elections are different. The voter pool on Tuesday is likely to be at least 30 percent smaller than it was for the 2012 presidential race, and those who do show up to the polls are expected to be much older and much whiter than they were two years ago. As a result, Republicans, particularly in states with small percentages of minority voters, have spent the past year slamming Democrats for supporting amnesty, and generally killing any chances that the President has of passing comprehensive immigration reform.

For one thing, House Republicans come from districts that are considerably less diverse than the nation as a whole. Many represent rural areas, where white voters are the overwhelming majority. There's simply no political imperative for the House GOP to move on a comprehensive overhaul of immigration laws. At the same time, Senate Republicans have seized on immigration this year in an attempt to scare voters to the poll, capitalizing on voter an​xiety about the general direction and leadership of the country.

The outcome of the elections, and particularly of the battle over the Senate majority, is also likely to have a big impact on the direction of foreign policy. Lawmakers left Washington this fall without debating whether Obama should have authority to intervene against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. Obama has said previous authorizations of force could be used to justify intervention, but some Republican lawmakers will likely relish the chance to reclaim the foreign policy mantle that the party lost during the final years of the Bush administration. Republican Senator John McCain will likely take the lead on this, as well as continue to hammer the Obama administration for allowing Russian President Vladimir Putin to run roughshod over Eastern Europe.

***

Midterm elections are usually decided by getting the party faithful out to vote on Election Day, rather than persuading undecideds. There's every reason to believe voter turnout Tuesday will be dreadfully low. This year's campaigns haven't done much to capture the American public's attention. Television networks have largely avoided midterm coverage altogether, according to a recent​ study that found only handful of evening news stories in the closing weeks of the campaign. ABC's primetime newscast went 137 days without mentioning the elections at all.

But on climate, taxes, immigration, and foreign policy--as well as a host of other issues--midterm election voting matters more than you would probably like. Whether you cast a ballot of not on Tuesday, you'll be living with the consequences Wednesday and way beyond.

David Mark isa former senior editor of Politico, andan author, with Chuck McCutcheon, of the recently released bookDog Whistles, Walk-Backs, and Washington Handshakes: Decoding the Jargon, Slang, and Bluster of American Political Speech. Follow him on Twitt​er.

These Canadian-Based Forensic Anthropologists are Helping Bring Closure to Guatemalan Genocide Victims

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​A man tells the story of the murder of his wife and infant daughter at the hands of government security forces to IFIFT students, local workers, and family. All photos ​via Guatemala Uncovered.

​​From an outsider's perspective, the job of a forensic anthropologist can seem almost mundane. There's the practical side: the digging, the meticulous marking of remains, the swabbing of DNA, and the lab tests to determine the genetic origins of the biological samples dug from the earth. But the overall results add up to far more than what the everyday drudgery may suggest. Using a combination of anthropology and human biology, their job-to determine an individual's identity, time since death, cause of death, and the manner of death-can bring closure to legal cases that have until then, remained a mystery.

In the case of the forensic anthropologists currently working in Guatemala, it also provides peace. Peace to the friends and family members of the people whose bodies have been exhumed. People who may be wondering what happened to their loved ones and are eager to close a dark and violent chapter of their country's recent past.

For almost four decades-from 1960 to 1996--Guatemala was torn apart by civil war. An American-back​ed coup in the late 50s had given rise to a conservative military dictatorship whose rule left the country battered, both socially an​d economically, and served to further disenfranchise the country's rural, poor, and indigenous people. During the ongoing conflict with leftist rebels whose uprising began in the 1960s and the large-scale campaign of violence against the Guatemalan civilian population, over 200,000 were killed and almost 50,000 were victims of state-sponsored abductions known as "forced disappearances." Chief among those killed and disappeared were the country's indigenous of the Guatemalan Highlands and the Landino peasant population, who were targeted by the military for their support of the leftist uprising.

It may come as a surprise then that, while the number of casualties may sound staggering, it wasn't until 1994 that the UN-sponsored Historica​l Clari​fication Commission officially concluded that the violent crimes against the Mayan population were genocide, revealing that over 90 percent of killings were at the hands of the state's military forces or paramilitary death squads.

Though the peace accord struck between government and rebel forces in 1996 suggested a quelling of political violence, amnesty was granted for perpetrators of even the worst crimes who, unpunished, have since m​orphed into the violent criminal underground. Last year Guatemala reported an average of 101 murders per week, and the death rate is now higher than it was for most of the civil war.

And to this day, for families of those murdered or missing from 1960 on, the idea of closure seems like a pipe dream.

Cristian Silva Zuniga, Director of Operations for International Field Initiatives and Forensic Training (IFIFT), is trying to change that. The IFIFT is a Canadian-based multidisciplinary field school giving forensic anthropology students hands-on experience of what they call 'real-world' human rights work in countries like Guatemala. In conjunction with the Guatemalan Forensic Anthropology Foundation (FAFG), the students participate in the exhumation process, forensic analysis, DNA collection, and the collection of testimonies of survivors of the armed conflict. They also work directly with members of the community to help identify the bodies they uncover.

VICE: For those who don't know, can you explain what a forensic anthropologist does?
Cristian Silva Zuniga: Forensic anthropology first comes from physical and biological anthropologies: the study of anatomy; evolution; primatology; and it has to do with biology and bones. And one of the things [that first led to this] was when they started discovering these mass graves. These kinds of crimes were committed in Argentina and committed in Peru, they were committed in Guatemala, and so in many countries. These kinds of things happening all over the world-Africa, Asia... I mean, you saw what happened in former Yugoslavia.. Physical and biological anthropologies and forensic anthropology has been around for a while, but not in the capacity to focus in these types of crimes. There was a dirty war fought in countries like Colombia, in Peru, Guatemala, so there was a huge need. People were deprived of justice, the truth of what was happening to their loved ones.

How did the IFIFT and FAFG start?
The Guatemala Forensic Anthropological Foundation was created back in 1997. And the goal was exactly the same: What happened to those people that died during the conflict? The conflict started in 1960 and there was a peace accord in 1996. About 240,000 people died in mass killings. And we know about 45,000 were victims of enforced disappearances-and actually, they were people like you--journalists, students, faculty members, and union leaders. The foundation is a nonprofit organization that started to develop this idea of how to start looking for the victims of massacres. And the first question they asked was: How are we going to do this? Who are we going to push? How are people going to talk? You get every member in the peace accord, the conflict ended and people are still afraid. The mistrust of the government was huge.

With amnesty being granted for even the worst of crimes, it's no wonder people still live in fear.
It's not just the political aspect, but it's the religious aspect as well, along with economical development. These people are still oppressed and they're oppressed by the same type of development in the 60s and 70s--a lot of mining, a lot of displacement. And today, the same thing's happening with different names, but the idea's still the same: we need to get people moving out of their land, and we'll use any enforcement.
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​The Ixil-based man speaks deep in the highlands of Quiche province, Guatemala.

​​​You've been going to Guatemala since 2004. How have things changed since you've been there?
My first experience, I had to travel to San Marcos, one of the provinces in Guatemala, and tell them about conflict. Some people didn't even know there was an armed conflict in the country for six years. At the same time, some people don't even know the conflict was over and they're still hiding. Right now, if something happens it's already in the news, Facebook, Twitter. But back then, it took a little bit longer. I mean getting information out of the country you had to fax it. Plus most of the media was controlled by the [government]...

But they still watch what they say because they're afraid of what will happen to them. People are still really concerned because the crime is still happening. The murders still happen when we have over 12, maybe 15 people violently dying every day in the country. And these people are suffering the same type of trauma as they did during the conflict and there's no justice.

I understand a major issue is that the former paramilitary death squads now make up a large part of the criminal underground.
When you see, for example, that between 1996 and 2004, 15,000 soldiers lost their jobs... you start seeing people with the same victims with the same kind of trauma, and you see organized crime growing, you have to think: who better than these people to do these kinds of things? They've been trained, they know how to operate.

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​Let's talk about what your organization is doing to help this.
Well, my introduction to Guatemala and human rights, indigenous rights, and the work there was because of the university where I did my undergrad. They were promoting hands-on work, 'Let's go overseas and see.' I mean, you go into a classroom and you get to read about this. You get to see the documentary and you feel bad, of course. This is awful and it's awful that these kinds of things continue. Just to mention even right now, Ukraine and Central Africa... there's no end.

So when I was at this hands-on school back in 2004, I got to see this in 3D--all the stuff that you'd read, all the documentaries. Working in the communities, suddenly you have the people right in front of you, approaching you, touching you. It's like being at the movies and suddenly you're able to feel it. I got back to Canada, and you know what? I started seeing the same things here--things that I didn't notice before.

Like what?
Well, you know, for example, I'm from BC--so the Highway o​f Tears. And how we've been ignoring these victims because they're indigenous, because we name them, brand them because of their social status. So that was one of the first things that shocked me; it made me actually remember coming out of Chile. And actually, when I was a kid, I grew up and we never talked about what happened. I had to leave the country to find out what some families went through. And then when I'm in Canada I actually I have to leave the country and then come back to see what was going on here. So I think one of my main reasons to get involved in it is to actually bring people to Guatemala to see these atrocities and to be able to work with people there daily. They're sacrificing themselves in so many ways with the risk of being a victim themselves.

Tell me about this 'hands on' approach to fieldwork.
We want to give the field participants a chance to have hands-on experience, to talk to the victims. I guarantee you... everybody in that organization was affected in some way or another--they met families that were displaced, families that disappeared in the 70s and 80s. And their goal is to give peace.

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Kyle Matthews of the Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies takes a DNA sample from an Ixil man.

Meeting these victims' families face-to-face seems like it could be very difficult.
You know what is a horrible thing, is when you're collecting testimonials--they're telling you what was happening. And suddenly you're doing their excavation and you're finding that there are genes they share with a little bag you're carrying. And you see these artifacts and they're right beside you...

We bring on a lot of experienced students and professionals, but none of them have worked with survivors. They had dealt with bones, with human remains but talking to survivors, talking to their family members, and having them right beside you, and then when you do analysis, and they have opportunity to see the remains and ask questions? That kills you. Sometimes you don't speak the same language, but you don't have to because you look at their faces, you look at these women who are 60, 70 years old and they give you a look and you know what they want. They trust you. They're putting all their trust in you. I've got to tell you, it's horrible. How do you explain that to people? These people have the right to be there, to have the excavations, they have the right to go to the lab and see their analysis. That's the stressful part because you're in the pit with students and suddenly you're looking at their faces, they're praying, they're crying, and that's awful.

But it's important.
Let me tell you, they do this job as if it's a crime scene, they follow everything to the letter of the law and they treat evidence to see that the people who have committed these crimes are prosecuted. But when you deal with a massive number of indigenous, the main goal is humanitarian. Some of these people still blame themselves because their parents, their sisters, or brothers died and they didn't. They're attached to the land and they work the land. When crops are not good, they're blaming themselves because they haven't been able to give a decent or dignified burial to their families. They're still hiding somewhere in the mountains. So the foundation and people working there, that's their goal-trying to return those remains to them, to individuals, to communities, to the families, to the whole nation.

What keeps you going?
The more involved you get, the more you start digging and trying to figure out solutions and how you can fix this, but the more you learn this is like a tree. It keeps going in every direction, it keeps growing and growing, and you don't know how far you have to go to look for a solution. In Guatemala there's a deep history of violence, a history of coercion, so it's like there's no way to fix this... but you know what? I get to meet fantastic people who still have hope, people who still actually believe. I don't know what else you can ask for, but there's still hope. I don't know what else to tell you, I think we can talk forever.  


​@katigburgers

This Canadian Imam Specializes In Counseling Radicalized Muslim Youth

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​Imam Yasin Dwyer. All photos via the author.

The horrific and unexpected attacks that transpired in Ottawa and Quebec last month, which left two military servicemen dead, have brought a newfound amount of attention to the concept of radicalized individuals. Specifically, the media has focused on the issue of young Muslim men who have become radicalized by jihadist and ISIS propaganda. 

So how does one become radicalized and what can be done about it? Imam Yasin Dwyer, a Jamaican-Canadian, has some answers.

Dwayer was the first full-time Muslim chaplain in Canada's federal prison system. He pastored a range of inmates, including those convicted of terrorist-related offences.

The Winnipeg-born imam, whose parents are Jamaican, converted in his early 20s after an intellectual search to learn more about African history led him to discover the historical traditions of Islam and the principles of Islam.

After volunteering at the Ottawa-Carleton Detention Centre with the Islam Care Centre, a non-profit organization based in Ottawa, he became a full-time chaplain in 2004 for the Ontario region, and played a pioneering role in determining the needs of imprisoned Muslims and the role of a Muslim chaplain, a job he left in September.

VICE caught up with Dwyer to chat about his methodology, the recent attacks in Canada, and how radicalization can be addressed.

VICE: What kind of background do you need to become a prison chaplain; do you need any kind of specific religious training?
Yasin Dwyer:
For Muslim chaplaincy, it would be essential for you to have the basic knowledge, the basic rudiments, of being an Imam. Now in Islam we have two meanings for Imam: we have Imam with a big "I" and imam with a small "i." Imam with a small "i" is someone who can lead prayer, someone who has some basic knowledge of Islamic jurisprudence, someone who can act as a religious leader for the Muslim community. A capital "I" Imam is someone who has the qualifications to interpret the primary text of the religion--you know someone who has been studying for years upon years in one of the more popular seminaries in the Muslim world. But for chaplaincy, we're looking for small "i" imam: someone who can function as a prayer leader, as a religious leader and along with that, a good understanding of the challenges of the whole correctional project.

Can you describe your work as a Muslim chaplain?
My work revolved around facilitating worship, facilitating religious education, also making sure that correctional staff are aware of accommodation issues. Islam is not only a belief system, but it is also a religion of practice--you know, analogous to Judaism, perhaps. Things that we must know, but things that we do. So we have particular dietary habits, there are certain times of day where Muslims have to pray, the month of Ramadan is a month of fasting. So I was very much involved in educating staff about what Islam is, what the accommodation needs of Muslim offenders are, and I was also in connection with psychologists, with teachers in order to help them understand the unique accommodation needs of Muslim offenders.

You have first-hand experience working with counselling Muslim inmates who were charged with terrorism-related offences. Were these inmates open to counseling from you?
They were very open to counseling from me. One of the difficulties in dealing with offenders is really earning trust, because the prison is a very polarizing environment and trust is very difficult to earn among offenders. However, I was able-immediately--to connect with, not only those offenders that were convicted of terrorist offences, but all Muslim offenders, non-Muslim offenders; I guess part of my success was just being an effective communicator with people. So that included many of these young men who were charged with terrorist offences.

Did they have a choice to talk to you?
Yes, they had a choice. My role was not there to force anyone to do anything. I was made available for those who wished to take advantage of my pastoring. However, with the handful of men that were charged with terrorist-related offences, I pushed a little more and because their offences related with religion--with a misunderstanding of religion--I really had to be a bit more intentional to speak with them. However they were very receptive because they were, again, quite candid and open concerning their own mistakes and they were very anxious to understand how they could correct those mistakes. And we earned a great degree of trust and indeed they were very receptive.

This makes me very curious, because they're "anxious to understand their mistakes," so that means that there was a recognition that they had erred, that they did, in fact, make a mistake.
[Not all of them.] I don't want to lump them all in the same category. They are all individuals, and some may have trouble navigating their way through all of the emotions that come with being incarcerated, being taken away from your family and dealing with the shame, the embarrassment of being incarcerated and actually making such a public and very dangerous mistake. I don't want to make it seem as though we immediately saw miracles from the first day that they saw my face. No. It came over time. Again, trust issues are very important in a correctional context. So over time, we were able to establish trust between us and then at least they were much more receptive to be able to accept my authority when it came to projecting the normative teachings of the religion.

Did they have a particular perception of Islam?
The handful of offenders that I dealt with, again, were different and they came from different backgrounds. However there was one common thread that I found with many of the men that I worked with--they didn't necessarily grow up particularly religious. They were from families that were not particularly observant. Of course they identified with Islam, but their families were not particularly observant. And I think what happened is that they were, as young men, looking for ways to be observant and looking for ways to be faithful. Tragically they found themselves in the hands of those who projected themselves as religious authorities who led them down the wrong path. So there was a religious and spiritual vacuum in their lives that was filled by voices that, again, did not represent the spiritual traditions of Islam. So what happened, (was that) they had to go through a process of--you could say unlearning--because their background did not offer them an opportunity to really see Islam as an organic type of spirituality. But I mentioned the normative teachings of religion, if you study all religions including Islam, there are very few things that are actually black and white--most of it grey, most of it is very, very grey.

How do you go from wanting guidance to falling under the wrong type of guidance and not know the difference--that may not be a question that you can actually answer?
I don't think I can answer that question in a very authoritative way, but all I can say is that, if someone wants to have faith, if you want to have faith, you will either seek that faith in a functional way or a dysfunctional way. And if you're not given the proper resources to understand how to be a functional, faithful person, you will actually do a lot of harm and a lot of damage to yourself. Like there is a saying in Islam: if you don't have a teacher, or if don't have a sheikh, your teacher or your sheikh will be Satan. The desire to be faithful and to know what to do in the name of God, that's very powerful, that's very, very powerful. And if you don't have someone who is connected to the normative teachings of Islam, then you may do something that, in the name of religion, that is very dysfunctional, and this is what happened to these young men.

Does it all rest in the Imams and teachers, then, within the Muslim community?Much of it does. I think that we sometimes have difficulty in our Imams, and again, our Imams are like any other group. You have some Imams that are good at what they do and some Imams that perhaps are very dysfunctional and perhaps don't understand the relationship between text and context. You know we spoke earlier about issues of identity; sometimes what happens is that many of our traditional Imams from Muslim majority countries are not familiar with matters of context and sometimes they may feel that the Islam that they understand from Muslim majority countries is the default Islam. And they may come to this part of the world without sufficient training to understand what it means to have a different identity from the identity that they came from; that there are young people who are growing up with a completely different cultural identity.

Is there a solution to the problem of radicalization that we're not really confronting? Is there something that we're missing here in Canada?
The phenomenon of radicalization, the solutions are multi-layered, they are multi-faceted. It's not just one thing; it's a series of things. As I mentioned before, there are a lot of identity issues that a lot of young Muslims in Canada are struggling with. There is the problem of text vs. context: how to understand the Qur'an, how to understand the traditions of Prophet Muhammad, upon whom be peace, and how to contextualize it in this society, there is that problem. There is also the issue of psychological and mental health issues that relate to that as well. There is the perception that Muslims have of being victims. There is the victimology that many young Muslims are plagued by, and that perhaps acts as a catalyst for very conservative reactionary understandings of the faith. So it's multi-faceted. I don't think any one particular approach is the solution but all of these factors play a part. And it has to be tackled from many different angles.

Is there success in this line of work--can you define it?
There is success because of the trust that has been as established; because as chaplains, we are not inmates and we are not security staff. We're in the middle, we're neutral. The safest space that they find in the prison is usually the chapel. Because as chaplains, we are not there to judge, we are not there to condemn, but rather we're there to give offenders options. And we're there to help offenders understand in a very natural and safe space what it is that they need to do in order to transform themselves and become complete human beings.

What are your thoughts on how to deal with events, the Ottawa shooting?
Well first of all, it is very tragic and my thoughts and prayers go out to the families of the victims. Also, I am somewhat hesitant to completely attribute the events to ideology because there seem to be some factors related to mental health involved in those who are seen as the perpetrators. So I would be very, very hesitant to say anything definitive, because as I mentioned to you before, that when it comes to these events that are seen as perpetrated by radicalized individuals, the factors are multi-layered and multi-faceted.

But what I would say to speak to the fear that people are having today is that, Islam is a religion that promotes peace and reconciliation. And if someone has converted to Islam and committed actions, like we saw last week, then perhaps they had a profound misunderstanding of Islam or perhaps the way Islam was projected to them was projected to them in a wrong way. Because I, myself, am one of these converts to Islam and I have never had thoughts of indiscriminate violence like these individuals are accused of having. So quite clearly there is either a serious mental health issue happening or a mental health issue that can explain what happened or we need to investigate where exactly these individuals understood that somehow these particular actions were a way to be faithful to this religion that they recently converted to. That has to be clarified.  


​​@jaffershelina

Why Is the NYPD Waging a Shadow Drone War?

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Imagine a small drone fluttering its way across the East River in New York City. Undetectable by radar, it's headed toward midtown Manhattan, and equipped with a destructive arsenal of weapons. Or a chemical agent. Or explosives. Or on a collision course with a jetliner. A hovering warcraft that can take out hundreds, if not thousands, of American citizens, controlled by a not-too-distant terrorist organization, and ready to unleash death from above on suspecting New Yorkers.

Sounds terrifying, right? According to top New York Police Department brass, this kind of nightmare scenario could be in Gotham's not-too-distant future.

Last week, CBS News  ​repo​rted that the largest municipal police force in the country is seriously considering weaponized drones as the newest security threat to terrorists' favorite target.

"We look at it as something that could be a terrorist's tool," NYPD Deputy Chief Salvatore DiPace told CBS. "We've seen some video where the drone was flying at different targets along the route and very accurately hitting the targets with the paintball."

The laundry list of deadly options, officials said, was clarified by two recent events. The first was a vide​o in which a drone controlled by Germany's Pirate Party landed in front of Chancellor Angela Merkel during a press conference. The other freak incident happened this past September, when two commercial drones nearly collid​ed with an NYPD helicopter at night over the George Washington Bridge (we later found out this was not re​a​l​ly the case--the police helicopter pursued the drone, sparking the close encounter).

The possibility of carnage in both situations scared the shit out of the NYPD, and they think you should be scared, too. That's why the cops are working with counterterrorist organizations and the military to concoct some kind of anti-drone program to protect the skies of New York City from what may lie ahead.

"Myself, I'm supportive of the concept of drones, not only for police but for public safety in general," Commissioner William J. Bratton t​​old the City Council in May. "It's something that we actively keep looking at and stay aware of." Intelligence chief John Miller later told reporters the NYPD is seeing "what's on the market, what's available" for unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), as they could provide assistance in spying on violent housing projects and detecting fires.

As of early October, FAA documen​ts show that four police departments and ten sheriff's departments across the country have successfully applied for a certificate of authorization (COA), which an agency or entity needs to operate a drone. The NYPD was not one of them. However, those files extend only to late June of this year. An FAA spokesperson told me I needed to check with the NYPD to see if the department had joined the list since, but the NYPD did not respond to a request for comment. 

​Sha​wn Musgrave at Motherboard has made it his mission to find out if the NYPD is obtaining spy drones, but he hit a brick wall when his Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request was repeat​edly denied. Among other technical reasons, the NYPD's Freedom of Information Law Unit told Musgrave that information could not "disclose nonroutine investigative techniques" or "the workings of a novel system that could be used to address emergencies, including possible terrorist attacks."

So the NYPD says drones represent the newest terrorist threat, and have also implied that their own secret drones could help to protect the city against "possible terrorist attacks." Does that mean New Yorkers face a looming drone war? Or is this just an endless, self-justifying struggle to surveil our sky?

"It's particularly funny to me because the NYPD wants to have it both ways," Mary Cummings, a professor who teaches classes on drones at Duke University, told me. "What concerns me is that the NYPD is pandering to media speculation that isn't really too logical."

The CBS report does not weigh in on whether what the cops are saying about drone threats is actually true. On the other hand, Cummings, a former Navy pilot, told me "it's always been possible" for a UAV to attack New York City since World War II. To her, the problem is a pesky little thing called physics.

The NYPD's DiPace told CBS the the police have "looked at some people that have jury-rigged these drones to carry guns, to carry different types of explosives if they wanted to; there's just so many possibilities that we're very worried about." The thing is, that suspected video, uploaded by FPSRussia, just so happened to be f​ake.

There's no way in hell, Cummings said, that a mini-drone bought off Amazon--like the two that flew over the George Washington Bridge last month--could carry a 100-pound machine gun, let alone explosives. And anything bigger would be noticed from miles away. "Big drones show up on radar, so you would need small drones to pull this off," she explained. "But you can't really weaponize small drones."

Besides, she said, if we're buying this story, these are shit-poor jihadists we're talking about here; they don't have the Pentagon's massive budget backing their every move. "You would need a very sophisticated research program to mount a lethal weapon on a drone," Cummings continued. "And to just aim and fire alone, in any kind of controlled fashion, is very beyond the skills of a homegrown terrorist. If some terrorists can do that, then New York City has a lot bigger problems."

Cummings said that she was "afraid that the NYPD is using scare tactics" to make people nervous about drones.  She advocates for a thorough data management service, so we know where that drone camera footage is at all times, and for the State Legislature to ensure strict oversight. 

To Eugene O'Donnell, a professor at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice, the main concern with a device "that parallels the militarization of police argument" seen after Ferguson is one of overreach. "One capability just leads to another," he said. What could start as a defense against terrorism could morph into any shape or form, including fighting drug cartels or child protection.

In other words, if the NYPD uses drones for one thing, what's to say they won't be used for another? And at that point, can we do anything to prevent our guardians of law and order from ratcheting up drone activity? One of the signature questions of post-9/11 American life looms: What qualifies as security-state overkill?

As a retired NYPD officer and Brooklyn prosecutor, O'Donnell sees the benefits of having drones on our side. "It's the nature of law enforcements to push the envelope," he told me. "Good law enforcement should be pushing the envelope," in order to be five steps ahead of a threat, albeit realistic or not. "It's this march to law enforcement trying to envision worst-case scenarios, and being ready to equip for that."

But to him, the regulatory apparatus Cummings suggests falls flat in this city's political sphere. The "City Council has shown that it cannot adequately oversee this sort of stuff," he explained. "Then it's left to the mayor and the courts, but what will they do? There would be no effective oversight, which is frightening." 

The scariest truth in the end, O'Donnell explains, is that the decision lies on citizens. If NYC Mayor Bill de Blasio's sweeping election on a platform of police reform last November is any indication, public opinion (probably) does shape what the NYPD will attempt on any given day. Given the last decade of American history, our tendency to cling to security in the face of imminent threats-real or unreal-is what will ultimately decide the drone war.

"It's a balancing act--even if it's overreaching, people want to know if there's a crisis or a situation," O'Donnell said, imitating a news report. "'A child's kidnapped!' 'Send up the drones!' Who's going to be against that?"

John Surico is a Queens-based freelance journalist. His reporting can be found in the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, and the Village Voice, among other outlets. Follow him on Twi​tte​r.


Freddie Gibbs Was Allegedly the Target of a Shooting in Brooklyn Last Night

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Freddie Gibbs was unharmed by the shooting. Photo by ​Danny Manhattan

Early this morning, two men were shot outside the music venue and record store Rough Trade in Williamsburg, Brooklyn, after a sold-out Freddie Gibbs concert. It is believed that Gibbs was the target of the shooting, which occurred just after 1:00 AM, but he was able to escape unharmed. Instead, the shots hit two men believed to be part of Gibbs's entourage.

Gibbs was in a black GMC Denali when the shots were fired, but ran back inside the venue after the shooting. He was quoted by the New Yo​rk Post as saying, "They tried to kill Tupac. They tried to kill me. I'm still alive."

The gunman (some ​reports suggest there were two) was wearing a dark hoodie, and witnesses told us he fled east on North 9th Street. There have been no arrests, and Rough Trade declined to comment.

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Bullets pierced the doors of Rough Trade during the shooting.

"I heard gunshots. There were a lot of them but I assumed it was just fireworks," one witness who lives on the block told us. "There were two different sets, one of maybe six and one of four." Cops on the scene Tuesday told us the bullets were .45 caliber, and we found three bullet holes in the doors to the venue.

After observing Rough Trade's security footage, a police investigator noted the suspect stalking Gibbs's crew, and at one point even standing right next to Gibbs himself. "He was standing around you guys all night," he told the rapper, according to the Post. "He was stalking you guys. We can tell on camera, he wanted it to look like he knew you, but it's clear he didn't. When you guys left, he was waiting for you outside."

Rough Trade's residential neighbors were understandably a bit shaken up when we spoke to them Tuesday afternoon.

"I have two kids and they sleep against the window here," a woman named Jenny who lives across Wythe Avenue from the venue told us. "I'd never heard gunshots before."

 Both victims were taken to Bellevue Hospital, and are in stable condition. 

Reporting was contributed by Matt Taylor.

Follow Kristen Yoonsoon Kim on ​Twit​ter.

South Africa's 'Dr. Death' Was Accused of Selling Ravers Super-Strength MDMA

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Magnolia Dell park, Pretoria. Photo via ​tshwane.gov.za 

It's a sunny morning in Magnolia Dell, Pretoria's most beautiful park, on January 29, 1997. Kids are feeding ducks by the pond. A statue of Peter Pan grins down at pedestrians. In the parking area, Constable Jotti Wiese is stuffed in the trunk of a car belonging to Grant Wentzel, an affluent commodities broker from Johannesburg. Wentzel is in the driver's seat wearing two hidden recording devices. This is the third MDMA deal in nine days for him, part of a sting set up by a police snitch.

The first deal was for 100 capsules. It was quick and easy. The second deal led to his arrest. From there, he was coerced into cooperation with the South African Narcotics Bureau under the leadership of Superintendent Giel Ehlers. The third deal would be a set-up to nab his business partner, the real target: a person Wentzel had described as "a dangerous, high-profile Pretoria heart doctor."

A white Nissan Sentra pulls up to Wentzel's car. Its occupant gets out and pops the trunk, pulling out a trash bag. Ehlers and three other officers recognize him immediately: Dr. Wouter Basson, a man the media would later dub "Dr. Death" for his alleged crimes in Apartheid-era South Africa. Basson gives the bag to Wentzel, who hands him an envelope containing R60,000 (around $52,400 at today's conversion rate), Basson's cut of the deal that had gone down five days earlier, when Wentzel had been arrested.

At this point, Ehlers makes his move. Basson tries to flee by ducking through the pond, a tactic that ends up slowing him down enough for the cops to catch up and make an arrest.

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Dr. Wouter Basson, or "Dr. Death"

The trash bag contained red and black caps filled with MDMA--MDMA that research chemist Tim McKibben would testify, at Basson's trial, was created by a "unique" synthesis and was more than 95 percent pure. 

Ehlers and his team arrested Basson and proceeded to search his house. No  evidence of drug dealing was found, but Ehlers did find documents marked "top secret," which he confiscated. 

Within hours, National Intelligence and the South African Defence Force (SADF) had both placed furious calls to the station, asking about Basson and the documents. Ehlers was ordered to turn over all the documents he'd found to the Office for Serious Economic Offences. He had no idea he'd just uncovered the South African government's 20-year-old top-secret chemical and biological warfare (CBW) program, "Project Coast," which was being headed up by Basson.

Project Coast was created in the early 80s by the SADF, under then-president PW Botha's government. Exactly when is uncertain, but it's now accepted that the 1976 Soweto uprisings (massive protests against the Apartheid regime) are what prompted the formation of the project, with the South African government hoping to develop methods of incapacitating or controlling large crowds.

However, Coast's eventual mandate extended far beyond its relatively mundane origins. Basson and his cohorts created several front companies to regulate cash flow and divert attention from the military, with a main base of operations at Roodeplaat Research Laboratories near Pretoria. There, they developed an arsenal of CBW weapons and poisons. One of these was allegedly used to kill over 200 SWAPO prisoners-of-war in Namibia, the reports claiming they were injected with potent muscle relaxants and dumped into the ocean from a helicopter.

Experiments with contraceptives were conducted on baboons and Beagle dogs with the ultimate goal of sterilizing black women without their knowledge or consent. Classic spy stuff like umbrellas that could discharge toxins unnoticed, as well as whisky and cigarettes laced with arsenic were developed. High-profile anti-Apartheid politicians, like the Reverend Frank Chikane, were poisoned. POWs were tied to trees, smeared with an experimental poison and left to die.

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Frederik de Klerk with Nelson Mandela in 1992. Photo courtesy of the World Economic Forum

In 1990, the recently elected President FW de Klerk ordered Project Coast to be wound down. From there, it cut ties with the SADF and turned to the development of non-lethal chemicals, including quaaludes and MDMA.

It's here that our story picks up again. Hennie Jordaan, a scientist at a Coast front company named Delta G, is credited with the unique formula used to create the MDMA found by Ehlers that morning in Magnolia Dell.

Lower-ranked scientists at Delta G were unaware of what they were involved in. Most of them had been told they were making rocket fuel for France. One employee, Johan Koekemoer, had been told the drugs were being synthesized for crowd control purposes, but he was skeptical because his direct superior was unable to produce an official SADF brief for the project.

Basson himself maintained at his trial that the drugs were made for crowd control purposes, but few believed this story, least of all the prosecution. Colonel Johann Smith, a former SADF liaison with UNITA, Angola's second-largest political party, stated during an interview in March of 2000 that he "was certain that Basson turned to dealing ecstasy and other drugs because his money was in Swiss banks and he still needed to raise cash in South Africa."

The prosecution, led by Advocate Anton Ackermann and Dr. Torie Pretorius, was convinced that "at some point the emphasis shifted to producing drugs for profit. However, the motives remain unknown, as do the targets [or customers], and the planned or actual methods of distributing these drugs. There is little evidence that [quaaludes] and ecstasy were produced for illegal sales in South Africa. Instead, the prosecutors are still exploring the possibility that the bulk of these drugs were destined for illicit sale in Europe, India, and possibly the United States."

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A former Civilian Cooperation Bureau agent (AKA an operative of a government-sponsored  ​Apartheid death squad) named Danie Phaal also testified that Basson had asked him whether he would be willing to sell 100,000 hits of quaaludes to surfers in the global surfing hotspot Jeffreys Bay in 1992. Phaal refused, but evidently this didn't deter Basson. Trevor Floyd, another CCB assassin, testified during the trial that Basson had asked him in 1992 if he had contacts in Europe and, specifically, England who could distribute a large amount of ecstasy, to which Basson had access. He refused. Basson would later testify that he had merely been "testing" Floyd. International concerns were raised when a drug bust in Chicago traced almost completely pure ecstasy all the way back to South Africa and the Delta G laboratories, which led to cooperation between American and South African intelligence.

MDMA of a historical quality had been produced on a large scale. That was fact. But prosecutors weren't able to prove whether it had been sold to the public or not. However, the circumstances do support the prosecution's allegations; Basson was placed on official retirement in March of 1993, with a year-long contract to wind down Project Coast. Around 1994, the front companies were tail-spinning toward bankruptcy.

Meanwhile, insanely pure ecstasy was turning up in other countries that Basson had queried his subordinates about. Locally, the potent MDMA--which dealers had christened "Basson's Brownies"--was doing the rounds at raves. Depending on whom you ask, the evidence is either compelling or far too convenient to believe that Basson had indeed produced a kind of super-ecstasy drug and sold it for personal profit.

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Chandre Gould during a lecture at Stellenbosch University, South Africa. Photo by Karl Kemp

Chandre Gould, a leading researcher on Project Coast and Wouter Basson, was unconvinced when I spoke to her. She had never even heard of Basson's Brownies.

"This is where the evidence fails us," she said. "What we know is that Delta G produced a ton of ecstasy and a ton of [quaaludes]. A literal ton. Some of that was made into pill and capsule form. We believe from the testimony of [former Delta G pharmacist] Steven Beukes that he had made what looked like [quaaludes]. We don't know whether they were sold or not, or where the money went, or if Basson was involved in that. People believe that [he was] because he was caught with drugs, and [because of] Danie Phaal's evidence about being offered the drugs to sell. But aside from that, there is no other evidence."

Gould's own book raises more questions on the issue of Project Coast's drug dealing than it answers, especially with regard to the alleged destruction of the drugs. Officially, all the drugs that had been manufactured by Project Coast were destroyed in January of 1993. Gene Louw, the new minister of defense, had ordered all the "incapacitants" dumped in the sea off Cape Agulhas by Cape Town. Gould and her co-author attest to the facts: the proper officials were not involved in the process; Basson and his own employees loaded the drugs onto a truck, and the official with them had not verified the nature of the substances they loaded.

There were curtains between the pilot and the official, and the area from which Basson and his men dropped the drugs. It took them more than ten minutes to do the deed. A certificate was issued by the official, but didn't meet procedural requirements. 

Gould wrote: "The data on the certificate is confusing and does not correlate with the known facts, but in the absence of evidence to the contrary, that flimsy sheet of paper is the only documentary proof that the SADF's foray into the narcotics industry ended in the stormy seas off Cape Agulhas."

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The evidence is circumstantial, but raises a massive question mark on where the ecstasy Basson brought to Magnolia Dell in  1997 had come from, and why it was so incredibly pure.

Theo (not his real name) is one of a few people I could find who testified to taking something they had been told, in the early 90s, were Basson's Brownies.

"It was around 1991. We were looking for someone to supply us with ecstasy," he told me. "At the time I worked in an ad agency and there was a gay guy I worked with who gave me the name and number of this guy who would deliver it to your house. I called the guy--he was Afrikaans; a thin, tall gay guy--and he delivered it to us. He brought us these small yellow capsules that were coming from 'the lab.' Without a doubt it was the very, very best ecstasy we had ever taken.

"We bought exclusively from him for as long as we could, which was a period of about a year. It was just really, really great. I would buy 50 or 60 at a time. The guy disappeared off the radar about a year later. We just couldn't source them again. I've not taken ecstasy since then. Well, I took a few, but they were so bad in comparison. If [the "Basson's Brownies"] come back on the market, I'm first in line."

Another ageing raver, Jan (not her real name), is a bit more sceptical:

"The legend was that the phenomenal Es that came to the Cape with the rave scene in the early-90s were a product of Wouter B's factory, and that he wanted to pacify the townships with them. His pills weren't that strong, but it was [still] awesome. For a lot of us, [it was] our first time, and the stuff was pure. The scene in Cape Town was great at that time... nobody even knew which laws to take seriously."

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Ravers in the UK 

MDMA in the US is about  ​36 percent pure on a good day, so if you took 98 percent pure ecstasy you'd probably know it when it kicked in. The oral evidence is there, and Basson was acquitted only under very controversial circumstances in 2001 of all the charges against him following a three-year trial. Most damningly, the man was caught during a drug deal with MDMA of a quality identical to that which his companies had been manufacturing, four years after it was supposed to have been destroyed. 

Then again, drug dealers are an opportunistic lot, and if you want to sell more pills it makes sense to market them as "Basson's Brownies"--a mystical, super strength batch that customers would presumably be very keen to get their hands on. Plus,  Basson was charged with serious fraud, which could explain the sudden wealth he accumulated.

All things considered, the idea of a government-created super E being widely available just seems too close to an urban legend to be true. Mind you, it might be the only urban legend ever testified to by witnesses in a court of law. 

Follow Karl Kemp on ​Twitter

The VICE Report: Dying for Treatment - Part 2

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Ted Jacques enrolled his son, Brandon, in what he thought was the "best treatment center money could buy"--A Sober Way Home in Prescott, Arizona--in February 2011, not long after Brandon's mother, Kim, discovered the 20-year-old sprawled out and unconscious on the bathroom floor. He had just sucked down a red Solo cup filled to the brim with Crown Royal, and the booze sent him reeling to the ground. It didn't help that Brandon's belly was likely empty from forced vomiting. Kim rapidly unlocked the door after hearing the sound of her son's body smack the linoleum. The shower was still running, Brandon's eyes had rolled into the back of his head, and blood was trickling out of his mouth. It was a horrifying wake-up call, but just one of the many wrenching episodes related to Brandon's years of bulimia and alcoholism.

For $14,500, A Sober Way Home assured the family that it could treat Brandon's dual disorders. His particular condition required a high level of care and monitoring because of the debilitating effects of purging, which can cause the body to have an imbalance of essential electrolytes that can impair the functions of the heart. Substance abuse like alcoholism, which affects about 50 percent of all people with eating disorders, and binging and purging can be a fatal combination.

Despite A Sober Way's assurance that it could care for Brandon, his vomiting continued, and his drinking was just barely kept at bay while he was in its care. After he spent a month at A Sober Way, the organization admitted to the Jacqueses that it could not properly treat their son's eating disorder. Instead of recommending that he get medical care at a hospital, A Sober Way officials beseeched the Jacques family to send their son to another residential rehab facility in Newport Beach, California.

The second facility, called Morningside Recovery, barred Brandon's parents from communicating with him. While Brandon was there, his binging and purging got even worse, and he was caught secretly drinking booze. Toward the end of his stay, and without his parents' knowledge or consent, Morningside officials moved him out of their inpatient facility and into a small nonmedical detox center on the other side of town called First House. Here, Brandon went into cardiac arrest on April 2, 2011, and died. Because of the lack of communication, his parents had no idea that he'd even been transferred to a different rehab center--much less that Morningside passed patients like Brandon to First House with the added bonus of kickback cash.

In the United States, more people between the ages of 25 and 64 die of complications from drugs than car crashes. According to a 2009 study published by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 23.5 million people in this country over the age of 12 need treatment for drug and alcohol abuse, and only 2.6 million of these afflicted individuals actually receive it. In response, drug and alcohol rehab has blossomed in the past three decades into a $35 billion industry with nearly 15,000 facilities across the country. Although non-hospital residential treatment serves only about 10 percent of those in recovery in the US, the exorbitant cost of such care--as high as $75,000 a month--has made it extremely lucrative. And thanks to popular TV shows like Celebrity Rehab, which have installed the luxurious rehabilitation center in the popular consciousness, the national enrollment figures keep growing.

Yet in many states, the laws regulating the industry have been unable to catch up to this new breed of for-profit rehab facility. Despite their popularity, these centers operate in a gray zone somewhere between legitimate medicine and total quackery, offering things like horseback riding and meditation as solutions to addiction, and often promising medical care that they are unable to provide--sometimes with disastrous results.

Stricken with grief, it took a long time for the Jacques family to think that anything but an unavoidable tragedy had befallen their son. They didn't start asking questions until they got an email on January 6, 2012, from formerOrange County Register reporter Jon Cassidy. Cassidy, who's now with the investigative site Watchdog.org, had acquired internal emails that spoke of the financial incentive the institutions had for transferring Brandon from facility to facility. These moves, one of the emails implied, were motivated by greed rather than medical need. In the email--which had allegedly been written by one of Brandon Jacques's caretakers--the author likened the way they treated the 20-year-old to a "piece of meat."

Ted Jacques at the 160-acre family farm he bought so he could spend quality time with his son, Brandon, hunting and riding motorcycles and ATVs. Ted sold the farm not long after Brandon passed away. Photos by Barrett Emke

Kearney, Missouri, is about 30 minutes outside Kansas City. Until he was sent to rehab, Brandon Jacques lived in his family's house in an upscale neighborhood there called Holmes Creek, attending the local Park University and working for his dad's contracting company. His parents still live there. Their McMansion occupies its own cul-de-sac, sitting atop a green knoll with an in-ground pool in the back. Out of the perfectly manicured lawn protrudes a 20-foot beam hoisting two fluttering flags. The top one is Old Glory. The bottom flag features a pixelated image of their late son in front of his shiny black pickup truck with the words see ya later.

Inside the house, Brandon's room is exactly as he left it: His black dresser is covered in dozens of dietary supplements, fat burners, and muscle builders in colorful powders and pills with names like Pro Complex, Xtend, and Mega Men. It looks as though someone robbed a GNC store or Mark McGwire's locker.

On his desk is a Bible and a card from his big sister, Heather, with a plaintive message for Brandon scrawled out in dark blue ink: "You don't need to worry about trying to live up to anybody's idea of what you should be."

Brandon was born in 1990 and was the family's only boy--a precious pigeonhole of a position in a family built on traditional values, with a roughneck father who wanted a son who could one day fill his work boots. As a kid, Brandon was doted on by his mother, and he constantly mimicked his dad. He would try to do anything and everything that Ted did--even working with him on the family farm when he was just barely able to stand up. Ted took him on site and let him operate the excavators when he was only ten.

"He was a risk taker from the very beginning," Heather says. "That's what I always admired about Brandon."

As a teenager, Brandon was probably the only male fashionista at Kearney High School. Friends remember the way he used to show up to overnight get-togethers in the town's backwoods, where kids would meet up, drink cheap beer, and sleep in the beds of their pickup trucks under the stars. Most of his pals would come to the parties in dirty boots, blue jeans, old T-shirts, and trucker caps. But Brandon would rock his signature green, pointy-toed Steve Madden alligator boots and Hollister button-down shirts. His senior year, there was even a full-page picture of him in the yearbook looking like a blond Marky Mark, exhibiting a fussiness not appreciated in a town where camo, ballistic black, and hunting orange are the preferred clothing colors for men.

"He didn't get it from me," Ted says.

"Brandon was always my first, and I was always his first for trying everything," says Brandon's closest friend, Ridge Quarles. "We never hid anything from each other." The boys first met at a friend's birthday party when they were in the fourth grade. "It was a pool party, so everybody was swimming. But both Brandon and I were overweight. We looked at each other and knew immediately there was no way either of us was going to get in the water without our shirts on."

Despite being overweight, Brandon was always popular, thanks to the legacy of his cool older sister and the swagger he'd inherited from his dad. But the extra weight he carried on his bones hung heavy over him--especially right after he would gorge himself on a whole box of pizza or chug an entire gallon of chocolate milk.

Early on, he had an awful revelation. "When we were in seventh grade," Quarles says, "he came to me and told me he'd discovered a new way to lose weight. He said, 'I just eat it and then throw it up, and it's like I never ate it.' When you're young and you don't know about that kind of thing, it seems like the perfect solution."

A memorial flag flies high near the Jacqueses' family home--one of the many reminders that their son is gone for good.

Brandon started rapidly losing weight around the age of 13, but his parents weren't suspicious. After all, he was active in sports, notably joining the wrestling team in his early teens. His new virile physique, however, hid a terrible secret. When his parents caught him in the act of vomiting one day in junior high, they confronted him. Ted and Kim were downstairs, and they could hear the sounds of Brandon heaving and retching in his second-floor bathroom. They came up the steps and swung open the door to find him bent over the porcelain seat. But he explained it away quickly--he said he was just puking to make weight for wrestling. After that incident, Brandon's battle with food fell out of sight and became unspoken, precisely because he looked like he was doing so well.

"He was very much the athletic, outgoing type of person in high school," remembers a former classmate. "He was a jock... all about working out. It was obvious that he cared about his body image."

By the tenth grade, Brandon had also started to hit the weights. Soon Brandon's arms were pumped up like a pair of Reebok sneakers, and his abs looked like two rows of hot cross buns. He was an only slightly smaller version of the chiseled and oiled men who posed on the covers of theMuscle & Fitness magazines that piled up next to the toilet he puked in after nearly every meal.

"We did everything together. So I even did it with him a few times," Quarles says. "But it was something I couldn't do consistently, 'cause it made my head ache and my throat hurt. Through our whole friendship, I stayed overweight while he kept losing."

According to Quarles, Brandon became so adept at puking that all he needed to do was bend over for half-eaten food and stomach bile to launch out of his mouth. On some of the afternoons his parents thought he was just going to Eagle Fitness, Brandon and Quarles would actually go across the street to LaMar's Donuts, order two dozen glazed, eat them all in one sitting, sneak behind the bakery to vomit them back up--and then go lift weights.

But the extra weight he carried on his bones hung heavy over him--especially right after he would gorge himself on a whole box of pizza.

Few people but Quarles knew about Brandon's secret--or at least they didn't want to know. There are friends he had in school and around town who still have no idea he had an eating disorder--a problem most people usually associate with waify girls, not tough-looking dudes like Brandon. While only 10 percent of people with anorexia or bulimia are men, according to a study conducted by the International Journal of Eating Disorders, 7.5 percent of all men in the US have participated in some level of binge eating--one central facet of Brandon's behavioral disorders.

Brandon's cycle of binge eating and vomiting never reached a fever pitch--instead it bubbled under the surface. Nonetheless, some close friends of his explained what was going on to his counselor at Kearney High. When the counselor confronted him, Brandon had nothing to say. So she left it with the parents, hoping they would find some way to address the issue.

But in the Jacques family, everything was muted. The Jacqueses pulled Quarles aside one day, and he opened up about what Brandon was doing in toilet bowls, showers, and the parking lots of fast-food joints. But as Heather puts it, "I think there was something in me that didn't want to believe. I didn't want to let my mind wander down that path."

What cut through and put his pathologies at the feet of the Jacqueses was the booze. The bulimia had been going on for years and might have continued unfettered had it not been for the alcohol. As in many rural communities in America, the drinking culture is intense in Kearney.

"We're all from a very small town," remembers one of Brandon's classmates. "Field parties are what we did."

However, Brandon became a serious alcoholic after high school graduation, in 2010. He was living at home and attending Park University, a small school in Parkville, Missouri, where he was studying business so that, as his father says, he could one day run the family contracting company.

Things imploded fairly quickly. Brandon was caught driving drunk after a night out with friends and was arrested by the local Kearney police. It was his first of two DWI charges, and one of the first times he had ever been in any serious trouble.

After that, Brandon began drinking at home, alone--before eating to numb his hunger, or after overeating to numb the shame and disappointment, Kim says. When he was drunk, he wasn't himself. "He wasn't even being Brandon anymore," Quarles says. "He was no longer the guy I knew who was always a happy person and down to have fun." Instead, according to Heather, when he drank he was "internally angry and closed off."

Quarles remembers the night he realized Brandon was too far gone. He was visiting Kearney from his college in Louisville, Kentucky, in August 2009, and called Brandon to get together--they'd typically go kick it at the Sonic drive-through in their trucks until other friends showed up, and then they'd figure out something, if anything, to do.

"I was getting ready to pick him up at his house," Quarles says. "I called him, and he said he was just going to jump in the shower. I said, 'All right, I'll be over in ten minutes.' When I called him back to tell him I was going to leave my house, Kim picked up the phone and was frantic, saying, 'Ridge, I don't know what the hell just happened, but I found Brandon on the bathroom floor, throwing up blood, and his eyes were rolled in the back of his head."

The paramedics took Brandon to Liberty Hospital. "I remember sitting in the waiting room, holding hands with Kim, bobbing back and forth," Quarles says. "Then the doctor came out, and he looked at Kim and said, 'I need to talk to you.'"

While in the ER, Brandon was given an electrocardiograph that revealed abnormalities in his heart's electrical cycle, likely related to a lack of potassium created by his bulimia. At the time, his potassium level was 2.8--normal levels range between 3.7 and 5.2 milliequivalents per liter. The doctor recommended that he be admitted to a hospital because she was concerned he could develop life-threatening cardiac arrhythmia, which could lead to cardiac arrest.

By the tenth grade, Brandon had started to hit the weights. Soon his arms were pumped up like a pair of Reebok sneakers, and his abs looked like two rows of hot cross buns.

After that, it wasn't long before Brandon dropped out of college, having completed only one semester. Brandon's parents pushed him to start taking steps to turn his life around, from hiring a psychologist to having him detox and do residential treatment at a small, local nonprofit addiction center in Kansas called Valley Hope in November 2010.

Private nonprofits like Valley Hope operate 71 percent of all addiction-treatment facilities in the US, while private for-profit programs, like the ones Brandon would go to later, operate only 21 percent-the government takes on the rest. Nonprofits tend to steer clear of the luxurious creature comforts that for-profit centers use to attract patients, and they are more likely to be operated by hospitals (though Valley Hope is not).

In Brandon's first 36 hours at Valley Hope, he suffered a seizure caused by alcohol withdrawal and had to be taken to an emergency room and hospitalized. This incident, along with the one-two punch of his dual diagnosis of alcohol abuse and bulimia, proved to be too much for the facility to feel like they could properly care for him. He hadn't even finished his planned monthlong stay there before they recommended that he get help somewhere else.

Brandon left Valley Hope and returned to his parent's house, where he spent the winter. In February 2011 he had an epiphany. He was sitting at the family's long wooden kitchen table in the middle of the night, streaming an episode of A&E's Intervention on his MacBook.

Brandon's parents joined him at the table to watch a few episodes of the show. They sat in silence, watching the cycle of forsaken addiction and redemption play out over and over again, episode after episode, streaming across the screen.

"We watched three or four episodes," Ted says, "and then my wife turned to Brandon and asked, 'Would you like to go to one of these places?'
"Brandon said, 'Yeah.'"

The images of hulking, glistening men that fill the pages of publications like MuscleMag International embodied everything that Brandon so desperately desired.

A Sober Way Home wasn't like Valley Hope. It was a for-profit facility. It had been on Oprah. And it was featured on several of the Intervention episodes the Jacques family had watched that morning. The moment Brandon said he was willing to give the place a try, his mother got up and made the call. After finding out there was a bed available for Brandon, the family flew from Missouri to Prescott, Arizona, the next day.

Typically, when a treatment facility like A Sober Way Home admits a new patient, it does what is known as an intake. An intake is supposed to consist of in-depth evaluations of the potential client's medical history to get a grasp on the kind of care he needs and whether the facility can actually treat him. Unfortunately, at for-profit facilities the in-take is often administered by staff counselors rather than medical professionals. And in the for-profit realm, there is a heavy emphasis on following the mantra of "keeping heads on beds"--a phrase rehab entrepreneurs actually use--and not turning away paying clients even though they may need a higher level of care than a facility can offer. As Dr. Akikur Mohammad, the owner of Inspire Malibu, a high-end Southern California rehab center that boasts a former salesman as its admissions director, says, "When you are in a business for profit, sales is involved. We have to sell the treatment--because of the competition."

After a short breakfast, a tour of the facilities, and a meeting with counselors, Brandon signed up for a 30-day stay at A Sober Way Home. The facility was opened in 1999 by Sandra Tillman, a former addict who's been sober for 26 years, and charges $14,500 a month.

The model of care practiced by rehab facilities like A Sober Way Home has its roots in Alcoholics Anonymous, the religion-tinged, 12-step group-therapy program for addicts that was developed in the 1930s. Today, an estimated 98 percent of all rehabs in the US are 12-step-oriented, and 78 percent actually use the 12-Step Facilitation model. This happened because the model had much better results than other methods of its era, like lobotomy and hallucinogenic drugs. So in the 1950s, at Hazelden Hospital in Minnesota, psychologist Daniel J. Anderson combined AA's 12 steps and group meetings with psychological counseling and laid down the blueprint for modern-day rehab treatment. Despite a lot of window dressing and posturing, not much has changed.

A Sober Way Home is composed of 16 different homes catering to about 85 addicts and employing 75 staff members, including one medical doctor and one psychiatrist. They offer a detox and inpatient program that, according to Tillman, involves AA meetings, an unproven practice called neurofeedback therapy (which aims to map out electric activity in the brain to help an addict control his impulses), and "equine therapy" (in which the patient plays with horses).

Although Brandon came there with an addiction to alcohol and an eating disorder, the Jacqueses claim A Sober Way insisted from the very beginning that they could provide all the necessary treatment to fight both issues. Their website boasts that they can take on patients with other disorders accompanying their addiction, ranging from mild depression to bipolar disorder.

"They said their main focus was getting the alcohol addiction stopped first and then working with the disorder," Ted says. "At that point, leaving my son that far away from home in a facility was the hardest thing I'd done in my life. But they really made us feel good. As we were leaving, they said, 'You can just take a big breath of fresh air--he's safe.'"

At first, Brandon did well at A Sober Way Home. "Over the phone," Ted says, "he made comments like, 'Gotta get going here and get registered back into college because otherwise I'm going to be thirty-five years old before I get my degree.'"

But progress started to stall during the second half of his monthlong stay. Brandon was caught eating the food of other clients. Then, on the 29th day--one day before he was scheduled to go home--counselors called the Jacqueses, saying that Brandon would have to continue inpatient treatment in order to get better. They strongly recommended a rehab center in Newport, California, called Morningside Recovery.

The Jacques family in Brandon's bedroom

According to a former employee of Morningside who spoke to me on the condition of anonymity, transfers like Brandon's were often steered by greed, not need.

"They were making referrals back and forth [between A Sober Way and Morningside]," the former employee says. "Morningside calls it 'consulting referrals.' You refer a client to Morningside, and they pay a ten percent fee of what they get paid... The majority of the time the cash is going to the owner [of the facility]... or to the director of admissions."

In the United States, kickbacks or "fee splitting" in medicine has long been seen as an unethical practice. A letter to the editor of the New York Times by A. S. Draper from Albany in 1912 discussed the subject, stating, "The patient is defrauded by the physician whom he trusts and robbed by the aid of a specialist, and both physician and specialist are corrupted."

On a federal level, there are key legislations--the Stark law and Anti-Kickback Statute--that make it illegal to engage in kickbacks when payment comes in the form of federally funded Medicaid and Medicare. Meanwhile, state laws protect citizens to varying degrees. In California, kickbacks like the "referrals" described by the informant are illegal. According to the state's Business and Professional code, Section 650, "Any rebate, refund, commission, preference, patronage dividend, discount, or other consideration, whether in the form of money or otherwise, as compensation or inducement for referring patients, clients, or customers to any person, irrespective of any membership, proprietary interest, or coownership in or with any person to whom these patients, clients, or customers are referred is unlawful." Arizona's state laws feature nearly identical language, with a section specifically targeting "behavioral health" businesses like A Sober Way Home.

I confronted A Sober Way Home founder Sandra Tillman about the former Morningside employee's allegations, outlining the individual's claim that a kickback for transferring Brandon from A Sober Way Home to Morningside had been set up between one of her employees and an employee of Morningside. Tillman seemed caught off guard. She claimed to have been unaware of the fee-splitting deal at the time it was made, but confirmed to me that a kickback had been discovered and had likely played a factor in Brandon's transfer. She also confirmed that the employee allegedly responsible still worked for her at the time of our interview.

Naturally, neither A Sober Way Home nor Morningside revealed the alleged kickback to Brandon or his parents. Instead, A Sober Way employees Pete Stewart and Lori Kidd told the Jacqueses they wanted to move Brandon because, they claimed, A Sober Way couldn't effectively treat his eating disorder--which raises the question, why did they accept him into their care in the first place, since they knew he was a bulimic from the very beginning? Now that things had gotten serious, they wanted to pass him off to another facility. But instead of recommending that the Jacqueses take Brandon to a hospital, his admitters referred him to a place they had a financial relationship with.

Morningside costs $25,000 a month, which is $10,500 more than A Sober Way. Based on information given to me by the informant, this transaction would have yielded a referrer at A Sober Way $2,500, an amount that could taint any recommendation.

Regardless of the price increase, as a concerned father Ted was glad to pay more if it was going to help Brandon get his life back on track.

"They wanted him to move in that day, so we had to lock down a flight," Ted says. They took Brandon to the airport, and he flew out. He landed at John Wayne Airport in Santa Ana, California, on March 14, and Morningside picked him up. It all happened so fast, but the Jacqueses were reassured that Morningside would be the right place for Brandon, not just by A Sober Way's referral but by Morningside's own testimonials.

"When we were looking at the website before we sent Brandon out there," Ted says, "it talked about a doctor, Theodore G. Williams, and a nurse practitioner, Jill Shelton. The website made it look like they were at that facility."

Little did the Jacqueses know that it's illegal for residential drug and alcohol programs like Morningside to provide any medical care in the State of California, because of an old, controversial law that is a vestige of the rehab industries' AA-based, nonmedical beginnings. Morningside, as many facilities do in the State of California, was operating on the fringes of the law by independently contracting work from physicians. Since these physicians are not legally allowed to be on staff, they are often employed at multiple facilities at a time. In Shelton's case, she was contracted to at least one other facility, a treatment center in Costa Mesa called the Pat Moore Foundation, at the time that she was working for Morningside.

Instead of being on site at least 40 hours a week, as one might expect from looking at the testimonials and websites, these physicians have select, designated days and times when they come in to see patients. A former Morningside employee who spoke to us on the condition of anonymity described a contracted physician like Shelton coming in a couple times a week from 9 AM to noon. In reality, much of the care in these facilities is actually offered by recovering drug addicts with little more than GEDs and counseling certificates from degree mills.

Because the State of California has done such a poor job of enforcing the ban on in-house professional medical care, facilities like Morningside get the best of both worlds--they can market themselves as medical facilities to attract more clients without fear of getting shut down, but they don't have to spend the money on medical care or jump through the regulatory hoops required of a facility practicing medicine.

Morningside is not the only California clinic with egregious violations. A comprehensive report compiled by the California Senate Office of Oversight and Outcomes in 2012 outlined numerous repeat-offending facilities that had multiple deaths on their watch, and several citations related to practicing medicine, yet were still allowed to operate. Among these was the Living Center in Modesto. In 2010, a former staff member of the Living Center told a state official that one client had been kept at the facility even though he needed to be sent to a hospital, just so the Living Center could make more money. A year after being reported to the state, the treatment center was still operating and admitted another client who was visibly in need of medical care far surpassing what they offered. At the client's intake, which was conducted by someone who was not a physician, his eyes and skin were yellow, and he was so dizzy he couldn't walk by himself. Eventually, they sent the sick man to a hospital, but at that point it was too late, and he died.

In addition to citing that death, the state revoked the Living Center's license to provide treatment in August 2013 for a variety of violations that included admitting suicidal and bipolar clients who needed hospital care, providing medical care it was not licensed to offer, employing people who've failed background checks, and admitting clients under the age of 14. The state issued the facility a cease-and-desist notice in June 2013, but it remains open.

Brandon inherited his motorcycle skills from his father, who let him bounce a Yamaha XR80 over dirt mounds around the family farm when he was only ten

The Jacqueses had virtually no contact with Brandon once he was transferred to Morningside. Like many rehab programs, Morningside allowed him no phone privileges during the first week of his stay. According to Ted, they also deny clients the use of the center's phones in order to keep the lines open for staff. Desperate to talk with his son about the transition and his health, Ted sent down a cell phone for Brandon to use. But Ted never received a call. Morningside said they denied Brandon access to the phone because he was caught with alcohol in his system.

"His counselor said, 'Well, evidently he gave somebody twenty dollars to go out and buy some alcohol and told him to keep the change.' I said, 'Where'd he get the twenty dollars? How did this happen?'"

The Jacqueses had planned to visit Brandon the second weekend in April. They would have visited sooner, but a Morningside counselor told them to hold off.

"At A Sober Way Home we talked to him quite often. But once he transferred to Morningside, I personally did not get to speak with him at all. And the communication was terrible."

On March 18, Morningside's lab tests revealed that Brandon's potassium level had fallen to 3.3, below the normal range. At that point, however, he was not prescribed anything to supplement his potassium. It wasn't until four days later that another nurse, who was contracted by Shelton, prescribed Brandon something for his decreasing potassium levels--some multivitamins.

On April 1, Ted got a rare call from one of Brandon's counselors at Morningside, saying they thought Brandon should be moved again. They said his potassium levels were low and that they had started to give him potassium pills. They thought it might be a good idea to send him to Reasons Eating Disorder Center, in Rosemead, California, for a more intense treatment for his binging and purging.

"I said, 'Wait, I thought you guys were supposed to be taking care of the eating disorder.' I told her, 'I want him to go to the best possible place. I don't care where it is.' She told me that Brandon was not in danger and that she was monitoring his levels."

Unfortunately, Brandon was in grave danger. According to Morningside's own records, the day before they called Ted, Brandon's potassium levels had sunk to a dangerous level of 2.9--only one tenth of a point higher than the night his mother found him unconscious on the bathroom floor.

As far as Ted and Kim knew on April 1, Brandon was OK and would likely get moved the following week to another facility, again with the promise that their son's dual disorders could be treated there. But Brandon had in fact been covertly moved the day before his father got that call from the counselor. Morningside hadn't transferred him to a local emergency room or an eating-disorder center in a hospital. Instead, they'd quietly shuttled him to a facility called First House Detox in Costa Mesa. While Brandon was at First House, his parents still didn't hear from him.

According to records kept by the facility's employees, Brandon frittered away his time at First House interacting with the other clients, reading, smoking cigarettes outside, and catching up on sleep. And according to a deposition given by owner Richard Perlin, Brandon received absolutely no counseling or treatment while he was in First House's care, which is puzzling considering his most recent lab work showed he was at risk of sudden death from cardiac arrest.

But the lack of treatment he received would be less surprising to anyone familiar with First House. The place was a well-known treatment center of disrepute when Morningside sent Brandon there. The business comprised three different detox houses, with one staff member and six beds per house. Its owner, Richard Perlin, is a former drug addict and convicted felon. In 2008, First House was cited for not checking often enough on a client who was going through withdrawal. Three months later, another client died in their care, and it was determined after the client's death that he hadn't been monitored in accordance with their stated policy. In 2011, a few days before Morningside secretly sent Brandon there, another client died on their watch. The First House employees checked on that guy at least three times before they finally realized he was dead.

The day after Ted's conversation with Brandon's counselor at Morningside, Brandon spent a good portion of his time relaxing in the living room of First House with fellow client David Falk, watching a movie on the television. In between 3 and 4 PM, true to his obsession with burning calories, Brandon hit the floor for a quick set of 30 push-ups. Then he rolled over on his back. It was there on the floor that he went into cardiac arrest and his lips turned blue.

David Falk shouted for help, and staff member Greg Epilone came into the room, saw Brandon on his back, and called 911. He then tried to give Brandon rescue breaths and the "cardiac thump," but all he could find was a weak pulse. They placed a pulse oximeter--a noninvasive oxygen monitor--on Brandon's hand to gauge his vitals, but the readings were coming in on a steep decline. The paramedics showed up three minutes after Greg had made the call. They tried CPR and then shocked him several times with the defibrillator. After ten minutes of efforts with IVs and the AEDs, the paramedics loaded his body onto a gurney and finally took him to the hospital, where he was pronounced dead at 5:20 PM.

That night, Ted was eating a tenderloin steak at the Landing Eatery & Pub in Kearney with Kim. The Missouri Tigers basketball team was playing. Ted and his wife's cell phones were blowing up with frantic calls, but the sound of the game coming from the big screens drowned out their rings. When the family got home from dinner, Kim and Ted saw they had several voicemails from an unfamiliar number on their house phone. The messages were all the same: "Call Hoag Hospital, in Newport Beach, California."

One of the many portraits of Brandon that rest on every mantle, hang on every wall, and clutter every shelf in the Jacqueses' home.

Ted and Kim flew to Los Angeles in a complete daze. It didn't feel real--they hadn't spoken with or seen their son in weeks thanks to Morningside's policies, and they had no idea what his living circumstances were like during the previous month.

"David Gates [the former CEO of Morningside] met us outside the hospital," Ted recalls, "and wanted to talk about giving us credit back. He just kept going on and on about it until I shut him down and said, 'Look, man, I don't want to talk about money.'"

(Officials from Morningside and First House would not respond to VICE's multiple requests for interviews.)

Once inside the hospital, Ted talked with the physician in the ER who had pronounced Brandon dead--Dr. William H. Cloud. According to Ted, Cloud said something that stuck in his mind, telling the family that Hoag Hospital gets kids from rehabs all the time who die or suffer serious health complications as a result of the lack of care in those facilities.

After seeing Brandon's body, the Jacqueses sat down with Gates, who insisted on having his attorney present. Ted hadn't seen Brandon in two months and hadn't heard his voice in one, so he understandably wanted to see where his son had been living and talk to the people who knew him in his last days.

"And then it finally came out. He wasn't at Morningside when he died. He was at some place called First House."

Ted says that Gates told him the reason Brandon was moved to a new facility without notifying his parents was something about other Morningside patients "needing more critical care."

First House lost it license after Brandon's death for reasons including falsifying medical records and providing medical services illegally.

Ten months after Brandon's death, the state ordered Morningside to shut down residential and detox services due to a multitude of violations, including operating beyond the scope of their license by providing medical treatment and carelessly administering prescriptions drugs. The state also cited Nurse Jill Shelton for running a pharmacy and ordering and distributing opiates like Subutex and Suboxone to clients at Morningside without a legal permit.

I spoke with former Morningside client Ilana Kekst, who claims she was at Morningside for six months between 2006 and 2007 for an opiate addiction. She told me, "There is no recovery there." Of her time there, she remembers things like drivers who were supposed to pick her up for AA meetings but never came.

At least nine former clients have also sued Morningside for never delivering promised treatment. City council initiatives chased the company's facilities out of Newport Beach, since locals didn't want rehab centers in their backyards. Morningside's main hub is now in Costa Mesa.

Despite the violations, Morningside Recovery still provides a wide range of treatment services in Southern California, even though several of their locations are listed on the California Department of Health Care Services site as "unlicensed facilities." The way they get around this, a former employee explains, is by providing "sober living" for all their clients--special housing for addicts that faces even fewer regulations than rehabs--and transporting them to a separate facility to do outpatient treatment.

"Every psychologist or doctor would say you need inpatient care if you called and said, 'I've been shooting heroin every single day for the past ten years.' But if you called Morningside today and said that, you'd find out one of two things," says the former Morningside employee. "Either they will lie and misrepresent themselves as an inpatient treatment center, even though there are now state regulations that say they can't provide that level of care. Or they're going to convince you that you don't need that level of care [even if you do]."

On October 15, 2014, the Jacques family settled a wrongful-death suit with Morningside and its parties for $3.7 million. Because the case never went to trial, the full extent of the clinic's practices remains unexplored. It's unclear how many other patients may have been, or continue to be, mistreated by Morningside.

Brandon was buried on April 11, 2011. On either side of Brandon's grave is a spot reserved for his parents.

First House lost its license five months after Brandon's death, in September 2011, for providing services beyond the limitations of its license, administering medication, falsifying medical records, using counseling services not recognized by the state, having more clients in a house than legally allowed, and giving new clients the meds of former clients.

Although First House is closed, Richard Perlin opened a new facility under the name of his girlfriend, Eddie Johnson, called Orange County Recovery. The new facility features several of the employees who worked at First House when Brandon was enrolled there.

Now that First House is closed, it has been revealed that the business also participated in secret kickbacks, paying Morningside. According to a deposition given by Richard Perlin, the company paid Morningside at least three times for "parking" clients at his facilities. Perlin says, "David Gates contacted me and said, 'Look, in order for us to utilize First House, Morningside would like to get $100 a day per person that we put in there.'"

The highest payout that he made on record for clients like Brandon was $3,000, which dates back to 2010. The three payments he disclosed in the deposition were made by check. No one knows how much may have been paid in cash, which is how the former Morningside employee said these transactions are typically made. The full scope of this relationship is unclear--as is the extent to which similar abuses are occurring at for-profit rehab centers all across America-but the way people like Perlin and his ilk look at their patients isn't unclear at all. In the deposition, he compared sick kids like Brandon to dirty clothes.

"[Morningside] runs a business there," he said. "They wanted to participate in the profit. There was a lot of intermediate precedence for different business that do that sort of thing. In other words... a dry cleaner sent a jacket out to have it cleaned elsewhere and then charged a premium on it."

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Tinder CEO Sean Rad Has Been Ousted

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Photo by JD Lasica

Tinder CEO Sean Rad has been forced out, according to an exclusive report by ​Forbes that was published this morning. The dating app's biggest stakeholder, InterActiveCorp (also known as IAC), is looking for an "Eric Schmidt-like person" to replace the 28-year-old, who's had a year marked by business triumphs and personal tribulations. 

Just a couple weeks ago, Rad was at the ​Forbes 30 Under 30 Summit in Philadelphia. He was preparing to reveal Tinder's revenue generator, a premium service that, among many other perks, allows users to swipe through matches in other cities. Just before he was about to hit the stage of the Pennsylvania Convention Center, he got the call from IAC's Sam Yagan and found out he would no longer be the top executive of the ​ever-growing app.

Tinder's popularity can be described as explosive. The dating app has seen a whopping 600 percent growth over just the past year. Forbes also reports that it's been downloaded 40 million times since its launch in 2012. And its 30 million users swipe through 1.2 billion prospective partners a day.

Rad's personal life this year, however, has been less of a success. Just a few months ago, 24-year-old former Tinder executive Whitney Wolfe sued co-founder (and her ex-boyfriend) Justin Mateen for ​​sexual harassment​. This suit led to Mateen's ultimate suspension and resignation from the company. While Rad stayed on, he was blamed for many of the wrongdoings. The allegations suggested that both Mateen and Rad subjected Wolfe to "horrendously sexist, racist, and otherwise inappropriate comments, emails, and text messages" (including calling her names like "whore" and "gold digger"). At best, Rad looked the other way. 

In September, the lawsuit was dropped, but Rad didn't come out unscathed. "IAC was not about to watch its new potential cash machine get derailed by more amateur mistakes," Forbes noted. For now, Rad will stay on as CEO until IAC can find a replacement. Apparently Mateen and Rad are still best friends. Tinder Plus will roll out imminently.

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Talking to the Brother of the Man Who Assassinated an Israeli Prime Minister

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[body_image width='1280' height='853' path='images/content-images/2014/11/04/' crop='images/content-images-crops/2014/11/04/' filename='an-interview-with-yitzhak-rabins-murderer-18-years-later-876-body-image-1415101972.jpg' id='882']

Hagai met my interpreter Nira on October 24, 2013, in Herzliya--the city where he now lives. Photo by Nira Yadin.

This post originally appeared in VICE UK

Eighteen years ago, on November 4, 1995, Nobel Peace Prize laureate and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was murdered by a young, far-right militant named Yigal Amir. Convicted in 1996, Amir is now serving a life sentence. His accomplices--his brother Hagai and their friend Dror Adani--were condemned to 16 and seven years of imprisonment respectively.

Hagai's release in the spring of 2012 was greeted angrily by those he'd made his enemies--but to many of the partisans in the Israeli far right, the two brothers are heroes.

​​​​In 2006, the daily newspaper Yediot Aharonot dug up some disturbing statistics: According to a poll, the number of Israelis favorable to the release of Yigal Amir in 1996 was at 10 percent; ten years later, the number had risen to 30 percent. The same year, a committee in support of Amir was created and some demonstrations were organized in Tel Aviv. Haaretz journalist Tamara Traubman took up the baton in opposing these events, writing an article to decry Yigal Amir's stardom.

[youtube src='//www.youtube.com/embed/C-pWbdTWTas' width='640' height='480']

The assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, who died of three bullets in the back, took place at the end of a rally for peace at Tel Aviv City Hall Square on November 4, 1995. His murderer had already tried to kill him on three prior occasions earlier that same year.

Internationally, Yigal found support among the most extreme activists of the Jewish diaspora. The Jewish Defense League (JDL), a movement known for its violent actions and considered a terrorist group by both the Israeli government and the US State Department, publicly backed Yitzhak Rabin's killer many times. Binyamin Kahane, the son of the movement's founder, supported the assassination. In France, the JDL argued for his release by writing on their blog: "If Palestinian murderers are released, Yigal should be granted the same favor."

To provide an opinion about all this, I contacted Adam, an activist and member of the leftist organization Peace Now. He confirmed that the killer and his brother were popular with certain segments of the Israeli population and said this was due to the right wing's anger at Rabin, the leftist Prime Minister who signed the Oslo Accords--which laid the foundations for a peace effort in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In Adam's opinion, it is not just the Amir brothers who must take responsibility for the attack, but the entire Israeli right wing. Adam drew contrasts between the tribute that current Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu paid to his deceased predecessor in October, and Netanyahu's time as leader of the Likud Party, supported by militants who burned pictures of Rabin while threatening and tirelessly insulting the man who would be murdered a few weeks later. (Following Adam's allegations, I tried to contact Likud, but their spokespeople did not respond to my interview request.)

One of Yigal Amir's Facebook fan pages, which are mainly supported by far-right Zionist religious movements

After his release last year, Hagai created a Facebook profile as part of the campaign he is leading to free his brother. It was through this profile that I started to chat with him a year ago. On his page, there are excerpts of the diary he kept during his detention, photos and drawings, political propaganda, conspiracy theories and messages written by some of his 750 friends.

When VICE accepted my pitch for an interview, I thought that all correspondence would happen through the internet. However, thanks to my charming interpreter Nira, we not only talked to Hagai Amir several times online, but also arranged for him to meet her in person. Their meeting lasted several hours and took place in a café at Herzliya beach, the city where Hagai now lives with his parents. They talked about his brother, about his relationship with him, about the assassination, his detention, his release, politics, religion and the State of Israel, as well as about many other things. We tried to understand how one can become the Middle Eastern equivalent of Lee Harvey Oswald and never regret killing a Nobel Peace Prize laureate.

Reserved, polite, and self-confident, he spoke relatively easily about the assassination and about the rest of the case, although his words were slightly contradictory at times. He left hoping to see Nira "soon."

VICE: How does one get to assassinate a Prime Minister ?
Hagai Amir:
My brother and I have always been politically involved. Instead of resigning ourselves, accepting decisions taken by our leaders, such as the Oslo Accords, and being the ones who endured the consequences, we decided to change the course of things. It took us two years to prepare our action and to think about it. We thought about it a lot and it did not come instantly out of our head. Our aim was not to kill Rabin but to interrupt a process that was leading to the death of our country. It is too early to declare whether or not our action was really useful. But we did what we thought was the fairest and the best for the Jewish people and for the State of Israel at that time.

So I guess you have no regrets for what you did.
​No. Yigal gave his freedom to the people of Israel and we have no reason at all to regret this. We acted in accordance with the halakha [the Jewish law] and my brother accomplished a great mitzvah
.

I don't understand how you can say you acted "in accordance with the halakha" when one of the most important commandments says clearly that "Thou shalt not kill." You killed a man who had been democratically elected by the citizens.
​The Torah is the Torah of Israel, not the Torah of fools. And, if it clearly prohibits murder, it also encourages to kill instead of being killed. Sometimes, we have no choice and we must kill to save lives. And here it becomes legal. In our case, a man [Yitzhak Rabin] had endangered the lives of thousands of Jews by helping the Palestinian Authority and by giving it the opportunity to attack Israel more easily. We killed with good intention: We wanted to save the Jewish people. 

When an Israeli soldier kills an Arab who tried to hurt the Jewish people and the State of Israel, everyone understands why he is doing it, although the risk of death for the soldier who fired is low most of the time. Yigal shot with the same legitimacy.

Hagai Amir's release, May 4, 2012. Photo via

Many rabbis judged your act contrary to Jewish law.
​These rabbis never had the courage to address the issue objectively.


​​Is there something which could have prevented you from killing Yitzhak Rabin?
I was in love with a girl. We were not together but, if she had discovered what my brother and I were getting ready to do and if she had wanted me not to do it, everything would have probably been different.

If Yigal had decided to eventually give up, would you have killed Rabin by yourself?
Yigal was way more determined than I was. He was ready to die--I was not. If he had given up, sooner or later, I would have probably done it myself. But not in the same way as he did.

What was your family's reaction to the murder?
Our family has always loved us. Therefore, of course they would have preferred us not to kill him. But they supported me when I was in jail and they have continued to do so since I got out.

How was your detention?
I studied the Torah and mathematics. But the daily life in jail was not easy. During all these years, every day, guards were humiliating me or trying to break me. For example, they cancelled a lot of visits which had yet been approved by the judge. Sometimes, my cell was searched up to three times a day. But my faith in God helped me to endure all of this and I do not regret anything.


The killer (on the right) with his two accomplices: his brother Hagai (centre) and his friend Dror Adani (left); all of them were smiling and happy to see each others when they met again at the court. Photovia

In 2012, in the only interview you gave since you got out of jail to 972mag.com, you said you met Hamas members during your detention. Are you still in touch with them? Can you tell us a bit more about your relationship with the other inmates?
I have never had any problems with other inmates, whether they were Jews or Arabs. I had conversations with some of them, including Ibrahim Hamed--the Hamas military commander in the West Bank. There was neither hatred nor tension. We considered each other enemies, but also as a soldier from the opposite side, detained by a violent regime that should be the last one to complain when violence is directed towards it. Today, I am not in touch with those terrorists but, in another environment, we could have been friends.

Besides studying the Torah and maths, and being harassed by guards and making friends with other inmates--did you not do anything else during these 16 years?
I was involved in many other activities. For example, one year for Purim [a Jewish holiday where all the religious men get drunk] I was assigned to help with the wine-making. But we had a mix-up with the alcohol quantities. Everyone ended up drunk and some fell and had to be taken to the hospital.

In 2006, while in prison, you also threatened to kill Ariel Sharon, who was then the Prime Minister of Israel. You were sentenced to six more months. Why did you want to kill Sharon?
As I already explained, the aim of our act was not to kill or even harm anyone, but rather to stop the course of events that was leading to the death of Israel. Sharon was as responsible as Rabin for this decline.

Are you still an activist and would you be willing to kill again?
I am not a militant any more though I am a sympathizer of the Jewish Home [which is the fourth most powerful political party in Israel and which belongs to the religious far right. The party is led by Naftali Bennett, current Minister of Industry, Trade, Labour and Religious Services, who recently became internationally famous after saying "I've killed many Arabs in my life and I see no problem in that."]

I disagree with a fringe of the right wing that hates Arabs only because they are Arabs. Attacking them because of their ethnicity is total nonsense. I am also against the idea of giving up land to Palestinians, especially if Jews live on it and I think Israel should return to the borders it had after the 1967 war [when Israel conquered Sinai, Gaza, West Bank, East Jerusalem and Golan].

How do you see the future of your country?
​The State of Israel has no future and it is disintegrating. I think the regime will collapse, as it did or is about to do in Egypt and Syria.

In 1994, the three signatories of the Oslo Accords, Shimon Peres [one of the architects of these agreements and current Israeli President], Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin received the Nobel Peace Prize. What are your thoughts on that?
Rewarding the sponsors and signatories of treaties that have directly led to the death of many people is shameful and ridiculous. After being given to such murderers, this prize has lost all its credibility and no longer has any meaning.

Exactly like the other signatories, Rabin is responsible for the attacks that have resulted from the signing. Just as he is responsible for the sinking of the Altalena in 1948 and therefore for the death of 16 innocent Jews. Rabin's family and supporters have never cried for these deaths but have been mourning their murderer for 18 years. He deserved nothing but what he got.

This view of history and the responsibility of Rabin in the attacks that followed the Oslo Accords are highly questionable.
It gets worse with each and every critique my brother and I have received because they all come from people who did not show any shame when they elected this murderer as Prime Minister. This criticism does not come from people like my brother and I, who are in principle opposed to murder. Their protests like the one they held last October [ which gathered 30,000 Israelis] have no other purpose than supporting the withdrawal of Israel in the West Bank and thus put Israel and its inhabitants in danger.

You have been talking in the name of your brother since the beginning of this interview. You seem very close. How would you define your relationship with him? Can you tell us more about your childhood ?
We grew up in religious family in Herzliya, with six more siblings. My brother and I are indeed very close--as if we were the same person. We have been inseparable since our childhood and we have always been happy together. Nowadays, we spend our time talking to each other on the telephone and we met about three years ago for 30 minutes. In 2007, Yigal and his wife--they married in jail--had a son. I more or less became the father figure for this child and I take care of him as I would my own son.

How's life been since your release?
My return to freedom has been fine. After 16 and a half years in jail--mostly in solitary confinement--I could see that many things have changed in my country and not at all for the best. I am now studying engineering and I am running my own welding company.

I live with my parents, I earn a good living and I get a lot of expressions of sympathy. I am invited to events and I have no problem meeting women--I do not feel isolated. People prefer to be discreet, but many support me and understand what we did.

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