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This Week in Racism: A Mexican American Child Sings the National Anthem, Racism Ensues

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Photo by Nate Miller

A few days ago, I considered taking a week off from this column. I mean, there has to be at least one week where nothing blatantly, horribly racist happens, right? You’d think that some higher power would shine their love upon me and give me a reason to put my feet up and relax on Friday. Well, fuck me and fuck this horrible world.

Instead of lounging on a beach “maxin’ and relaxin’” as I had planned, my friends at the @YesYoureRacist Twitter account and I will yet again be ranking news stories on a scale of 1 to RACIST, with “1” being the least racist and “RACIST” being the most racist.

- Ten-year-old Sebastion De La Cruz is a mariachi singer of some repute. Such a precocious young tyke should warm the heart of any normal human being. He’s so small, but he’s also doing a grown-up thing! It’s cute, plus hilarious. Well, some people thought it wasn’t so “LOL-worthy.”

 

The Spurs brought the kid back for last night's Game 4 too, as a big "fuck you" to the above people, but I wonder, could this have been avoided? Maybe if he had avoided traditional mariachi garb and worn, let’s say, a tank top and some tasteful jorts, it wouldn’t have been so much of a problem. People who dress differently than I do are constantly throwing me off. Like, dashikis, turbans, and Crocs just make my head spin. How could these weirdos with funny clothes even be close to American?

By the way, this kid is American. As in, he was born in the USA. Oh shit. That’s RACIST.

- A 911 operator in Dallas, Texas, lost her job last week after posting a string of racist statements on her Facebook page. “I can count on 1 hand the black people I know who don’t have shit for brains!!!” wrote 23-year-old April Sims. “Black people are outrageous!” she wrote in another post. “They are more like animals, they never know how to act … Always causing problems.” When one of April’s Facebook friends asked her what her boss would think about the posts, the young lady got defensive. “I stand by every word I said,” she responded. “And do not apologize. The end.” RACIST

Photo via Flickr User GageSkidmore

- The Washington Redskins, the NFL team some mushy-brained liberal media types refuse to call by name as some sort of half-hearted protest, has hired Republican pollster Frank Luntz (pictured above) to organize a series of focus groups to see how the American public really feels about their racially insensitive nickname.

I guess Redskins owner Daniel Snyder isn’t worried about how it looks to the media that he’s hired a Republican pollster to help justify his team having a racist nickname, and why should he? It’s not like the majority of football fans are into stuff like “reading,” “current events,” or “politics.” They just want to watch 300-pound men smash into each other every five minutes. Chances are, the fans Luntz polls will tell him exactly what he wants to hear, that the name is not offensive and they’re “ready for some football.” Thanks to centuries of racist policies and neglect, the US government has decimated the Native American population anyway—they're so uncommon the team might as well be called the “Washington Klingons” for all the relevance it has to most fans' lives. They wouldn't know a Native American unless he was wearing face paint and shooting arrows at them.

This name will never change, but it especially won’t if the press refuses to use the fucking name in stories. Explain to people why this shit is unacceptable. Don’t think you’re doing anyone a favor by not saying “Redskins” when talking about this horrible situation. I’m giving Daniel Snyder and Frank Luntz a 7 for being so goddamn insensitive, and I'm giving the media organizations who refuse to print the word a very disapproving side glance.

- The first national study to evaluate marijuana arrest rates by race found that even though marijuana use is relatively constant across racial lines, African-Americans are nearly four times more likely to be arrested for marijuana use than whites. According to the ACLU report, the racial disparity of marijuana arrests increased from 2001 to 2010. Enforcing marijuana laws costs states more than $3.6 billion every year, not to mention the income lost by the people who are targeted by these laws and end up in prison or lose their jobs as a result. There’s no joke here, that’s just fucked up. 9

Photo via Flickr User GageSkidmore

- Ann Coulter receives this week’s Ann Coulter Award for Excellence in Racism for stating that if the Republican Party supports sensible immigration reform it “deserves to die” as an organization.

Never mind that notion that Hispanics are a growing voting bloc and that any political party in this country should hope to govern the entire nation, rather than whatever demographics seem most appealing to them. The thought of making immigration a less complicated process, or giving illegals a path to citizenship is so repugnant to Ann Coulter that she’d rather destroy one of two major political parties in the United States.

To really drive the point that Hispanics are an irrelevant group of interlopers, Coulter writes:

The sleeping giant of the last election wasn't Hispanics; it was elderly black women terrified of media claims that Republicans were trying to suppress the black vote and determined to keep the first African American president in the White House.

Leave it to Ann Coulter to never get tired of trying to find reasons that Barack Obama won the 2012 election that aren’t “more people preferred him to Mitt Romney.” There has to be some magic bullet, like Hurricane Sandy, or black people being afraid, or Obama putting mind control drugs in the water supply like a fucking Batman villain. Ann Coulter telling the GOP that they should ignore a large cross-section of American voters is no different than her chastising Democrats for not appealing more to rural voters. Like, I'm not going to tell Ann Coulter she should wear fewer plaid patterned clothes and drink less. It's just all ridiculously hypocritical8

@YesYoureRacist’s Ten Most Racist Retweets of the Week [all grammar sic'd]:

10. @rednek4x4: If u think Obama is the best thing America's ever had ur just like that ni**er. Go back to shitty land and put ur rag back on

9. @kristananana: If Asians are so smart why do they suck at driving? #NotRacist#ButTrue#SoFrustrating

8. @theheeldeal: i'm not racist, but i'm all for segregated movie theaters #stfu

7. @ayeebarraza: I'm not racist but my heart starts beating faster when a black person approaches me at an ATM.

6. @poxypalin13: I'm not racist, but if you start chanting your foreign beliefs in the cubicle next to us again I'm poking your eye out!

5. @stoeeej: Im not racist but I make fun of everybody whos not white or is jewish.

4. @gskibos: Im not a racist but today i hate puerto ricans.

3. @koreananchjo: Damn there is ALOT of black people and the school I'm going to is 40% black. I'm not racist but that's just too much.

2. @patarnull: I'm not racist but we have to kick all the pakis out of England before its too late

1. @pancake_kevin: the reason everyone's internet is acting all retarded is cause of the fucking government and that ni**er obama watching everything we do

Last Week in Racism: This Week in Reverse Racism

@dave_schilling


Oh, the Memories - Photos from Our Trip to North Korea

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If you were alive back in March, chances are you heard about our little adventure to North Korea with Dennis Rodman and the Harlem Globetrotters. The news spread around the world like an exceptionally newsworthy wildfire, and in the months that have passed people have been itching to see our footage and find out exactly what happened on the first-ever basketball diplomacy mission. Well, all will be revealed tonight when the season finale of VICE airs on HBO at 11:00 PM. Until then, here is one last nugget from the trip to hold you over. These photos were taken by VICE producer Jason Mojica during the crew's time in North Korea, and cover everything from the exhibition game with the North Korean national team to VICE correspondent Ryan Duffy's cooldown at the Kim Il Sung University pool. Captions by Iris Xu.

The VICE Podcast Show - Tim Freccia Discusses Life in Conflict Zones

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The VICE Podcast Show is a weekly unedited discussion in which we go inside the minds of some of the most interesting, creative, and bizarre people we come across. This week, host Reihan Salam talks with documentary photographer, filmmaker, and artist Tim Freccia. We discuss his past work, his experience documenting conflict, as well as his most recent project Cowboy Capitalists, which will air on VICE on June 17th.

Here's just the audio from this week's podcast:

Previously on The VICE Podcast ShowReihan spoke with Greta Gerwig about his role in the 3D-printed gun movement.

More photo stuff from VICE.com:

There's More to Stuart Franklin Than the Most Famous Photo of the 20th Century

The Magic Kingdom Is Creepy

Tom Bianchi Photographed His Gay Paradise Before It Disappeared Forever

Happy Father’s Day, You Degenerate Old Farm Animal

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Mother’s Day was easy. No problem. Flowers, phone call, and card that communicated a general sense of filial appreciation… it was all pretty simple. The vast machinery of the holiday industry was humming smoothly, working around the clock to ensure that my mother would, come May 12th, be able to bask for a moment in the idea that childbirth may not have been a bitter cosmic joke.

Father’s Day is a little harder.

Like a lot of people, I’ve had my not-so-great moments with ol’ Dad. But it’s OK now. Time passes. Who has time to rehash things like the time I failed Grade 7 science and he openly wondered if I was retarded? Or the time that I, through a conspicuous failure of will in the lineup for “Dragon Fire,” turned Canada’s Wonderland into a nightmarish acid-trip vision of his bloodline’s eventual failure? That was a long time ago. We’re old now. He’s really old. Everyone just wants things to be good at this point, because we’re too tired for anything else.

Unfortunately for both of us, though, the Father’s Day industry does not have much to say to people who want things to be all good. Let’s ignore, for a second, the fact that I now live in Kosovo (long story), and my local card options consis of not-famous-outside-of-greater-Tirana cartoon dogs saying words like “Gëzuar ditën e babait”—the difficulties posed by life in the Balkans are kind of beside the point here. Because even in Canada, you’re pretty fucked.

I don’t want, for instance, to purchase a card which features an even-older-than-him man being asked for money. It’s not impossible that I might have a few outstanding IOUs from like 2006 going on, but I’d really prefer not to remind him of all that. Not for Father’s Day. I’d rather keep it light.

Keeping it light, however, poses a whole new set of challenges. Because while every card store in Canada features a “Humourous” sub-section of cards for every possible event (you can wish someone a speedy recovery from chemotherapy, for instance, with the gang from “Peanuts”), the collection of humourous sentiments available to one’s father is strangely limited.

There’s actually pretty much only one such sentiment, actually, and it goes as follows: “Happy Father’s Day. You have the physical grace of a dying elephant seal and are flatulent to the point where we suspect intestinal failure.”

This can, of course, be expressed in a slight variety of ways. We live in a late-capitalist society, and though we have given up our demands for privacy, autonomy, and democracy, our collective desire for options remains persistent: have it your way. The customer is always right. So the “you fart a lot” thing can be combined with other, related ideas, like that he is lazy, clogs the john, watches too much television, and has a fetishistic relationship with the sole domestic object that remains under his control.


I know that people are different; roles are different; fatherhood and motherhood are two separate-if-related biophysical phenomena—but if I gave my Mom a card that even implied any of these things, she would cry for two months and then develop a speech tic wherein she only referred to me as her “biological son.”

Even if you don’t like your dad at all, there’s nothing really right about any of these card-choices. If you don’t like your father, the odds are that you don’t feel that way because he eats too many Doritos sometimes and gets the farts—that’s why your Mom doesn’t like him. You don’t like him because he came to your band’s show one time and said “so this is what you’re doing with your life.”

You don’t like him because he split at 48, shacked up with a dental hygienist named Tammi, and purchased a 1991 Firebird T-Top—so it’s not like the remote-control thing is even the jab that you’re looking for.

If there is anything you wish to communicate to your father beyond accusations of fecal incontinence, strange paeans to his channel-selecting skills, or cringe-worthy poetry that leaves both of you unable to even look at each other for a month, the greeting card industry is not going to be of any help to you.

But that’s OK.

You’re probably too lazy to go out and get your father a card anyway, so why not just send him this article?


More about Dads:

Hey Ron: What Should I Get My Dad for Father's Day

I Don't Know Who My Father Is But I Have Dry Earwax

Alex and Allyson Grey's Visionary Art Temple, Entheon, Will Be Built

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Alex Grey just hit the crowd-sourced lottery. The king of visionary art will be building the “sanctuary” for his trippy, visual-laced spiritual paintings and structures that he calls the Entheon. His Kickstarter campaign received over $210,000 from more than 1,500 backers. That sum is the second-most amount of money ever donated to an art project on Kickstarter.

The Kickstarter campaign ended on May 31st, which was the 39th anniversary of Alex and Allyson Grey’s first meeting. The two have been making visionary art ever since. It was also the 39th anniversary of the first time Alex every dropped acid. “We spent the night together and never left,” said Allyson at their fundraising party in LA last month. 

As Grey posted on his blog, “It takes a miracle of creative imagination on the part of a community to envision a sacred space into existence and that is precisely what happened.”

The Entheon will be one of the trippiest buildings you can imagine. Emblazoned with a gazillion cosmic eyeballs on the roof, walls, and doors, a pattern of faces watch you from every corner. There’s also a group of angels and slithering dragon snakes, not to mention symbols from Hinduism, Judaism, Christianity, and a ying-yang. It’s all very tribal and otherworldly. It’ll be built in the Hudson Valley a region just north of New York City that's been a renowned artistic haven since the painters of the Hudson River School produced their luminous, transcendentalist-infused landscapes.

The Entheon will be “a place to experience the God within.” The first show will be the art of Alex Grey including the Sacred Mirrors series. You can get in with their special entry coin (stay tuned for the opening party, as well, if all goes as planned).

Last time we spoke with the Greys, they told us about their donation-based church, the Chapel of Sacred Mirrors. Now that they found the funding for the Entheon, they will break soil soon. We chatted about their building plans and how it feels to make this miracle come true. They speak as one voice, so their responses below are from both of them.

VICE: Hey Allyson and Alex! Congrats on meeting your goal! How does it feel to be so well supported on Kickstarter?
Alex and Allyson Grey: Thanks so much! We are very excited and grateful. It was an exhilarating ride and a tremendous learning experience inside a new social media community. The Church of Sacred Mirrors has been a non-profit since 1996 and a church since 2008, yet it feels like this is the first real fundraiser we’ve done. So many friends took part in this fun game where no one wins unless everyone wins. CoSM folk are immersed in getting rewards together for all the individuals that backed our campaign. All rewards will be shipped by Gordo, the unstoppable force of CoSM's online shop!

What inspired the wildly imaginative architecture of the Entheon?
On June 3rd, 2012 Alex had a vision of 30 interlinking heads wrapping around the carriage house, a symbol of 30 wisdom traditions embedded in the foreheads of the faces of God. The religious symbols are in alignment with the Cosmic Eyes of the Creator that sheds tears that are angels of the creative imagination bridging the eye of God and the Human Eye. Dragons of Evolutionary Consciousness lead to the One expressed in the Many, the steeple head on the top of Entheon.

This feels like a once-in-a-lifetime project. What kind of visionary art can we expect to see in Entheon?
The first long-term exhibition at Entheon will be the CoSM collection of painting, drawings, and sculpture, offering devotional portrayals of the universal human journey from birth to death and beyond with love, family, and enlightenment as the unfolding iconic narrative.

Entheon is the visionary art sanctuary at CoSM, Chapel of Sacred Mirrors in Wappinger, New York. The purpose of Entheon is to empower the evolution of consciousness and advancement of the worldwide visionary art movement. There will be a great variety of artists exhibited at Entheon. Already at CoSM, many contemporary visionary artists have exhibited or presented their accomplished works to interested audiences. We cultivate alliances with collectives of visionary artists including Tribe 13, the Further Collective, Vienna Visionary Art Academy, plus the Federation of Damanhur and Wisdom University. At CoSM, Visionary Salons host presentations of art, dance, and music, light projections, and fire spinning by some of our favorite mystic artists. Entheon will be an attraction as a sculpted building and a sound-proof container for performance and ceremony. 

Visionary Art has become a growing movement worldwide as more and more people experience altered and mystic states of consciousness through yoga, contemplative practice, or heart opening sacraments. Careful depictions of inner journeys become validating for other psychonauts. Visionary Art has become a way of introducing evolutionary symbolism to the cultural meme stream through the internet, galleries and museums, print media, tattoos, fashion, clubs and festivals. A sense of sacred community hovers around visionary art events because of the holiness of the creative imagination and the importance of sharing our deepest inner illuminations and strangely detailed worlds of the Beyond Within.  

You have found a location and a structure to build upon. Could you tell us where it will be in Hudson Valley?
Chapel of Sacred Mirrors is a wooded 40-acre center for visionary culture, an interfaith church where we practice creativity as a spiritual path. CoSM is located in the Town of Wappinger, 65 miles from Manhattan. We are within easy walking distance to the river. The Hudson Valley is a place of great beauty and spiritual history. And the home of the first American art movement, the Hudson River School.

The Hudson River Landscape painters like Cole, Church and Bierstadt visually paralleled transcendentalist sentiments expressed by Emerson and Thoreau that Nature is Divine. The native Wappinger people called the Hudson River Mo-He-Kahn-I-Tuke, the “great flow that goes both ways.” The Hudson River is a Moon River, a tidal river that flows from the ocean up to just past CoSM and then back out to sea, changing directions every six hours. The river is a metaphor for community. Each of us is a small stream flowing into the great river with increasing speed and power toward the ocean of love bliss. In the case of the Hudson River, or the Mo-He-Kahn-I-Tuke, we have a spiritual ocean that is pulled within the community, even upstream, and the community is empowered with this special influx of holy energy from the greater body. This is one of the reasons we have always met on the Full Moon, in honor of the river, which we were the same distance from in the city.  A number of spiritual movements have originated in the Hudson Valley and there is a pearl necklace of retreat centers up the river, like temples on the Nile. Within several hours of arguably the greatest art capital in the world, next to an exquisite river, artists are finding a place in nature to be creative. Who wouldn't?

Wow. When do you plan on breaking ground, this year?
Town planners have given site approval. The bank is ready to make a construction loan when the engineering and architectural drawings have been finished and the bids from contractors are complete. Two sets of engineering drawings are needed for this sculpted building, one for the main structure and interior and another for the sculpted panels that will clad the building. This is an especially custom building. A new well has been dug and much site work and structural reinforcement has already gone into transforming this 1882 carriage house into a temple of visionary art.

New Yorkers may remember the Chapel of Sacred Mirrors, which ran from 2004-2009. How is Entheon different?
CoSM operated 12,000 square feet in the heart of the gallery and club district of NYC. A dance studio, CoSM Shop, the Chapel of Sacred Mirrors and MicroCoSM Gallery, our studio, office, merchandise and shipping were all on that floor. But we couldn't build an enduring temple of the 4th floor of 542 W. 27th Street so we started looking for land again soon after CoSM NYC opened. 

Entheon is a freestanding two-story building with a third ground floor at the back. Many of the works that were exhibited at CoSM in the city will be on view in this installation including all 21 Sacred Mirrors, Cosmic Christ, Net of Being, Theologue, Oversoul and many others. Within Entheon, MicroCoSM Gallery will once again exhibit the works of excellent visionary artists. CoSM in the Hudson Valley is a tranquil yet very lush and alive natural setting. It is a very large "canvas" for art, creative projects and installations.

The name is inspired by the Entheon Village from Burning Man Camp. How will you be honoring this tradition?
It was Alex that offered the name Entheon to MAPS and Matt Atwood in 2006 for the Burning Man Camp we initiated with them that year. Within that camp, CoSM created a 60-foot dome chill space offering 24 hours of DJ down-tempo music. Entheon is a place to experience the God within. Originally, Alex was looking for a non-church name, one not already identified with a sacred space like temple, shrine, cathedral. A new kind of sacred space. 

When did you find out about the approved bank loan? Are you taking a big risk by building this project?
Yes. This is one of the biggest risk of our lives. The bank is very fond of our project. Our bank representative tells us CoSM is the most responsibly operated non-profit business with whom they have worked. We spend our lives seeking friends who might join us in building something beautiful to leave a trace of our visionary culture. 

Do you have plans for when will the Entheon opening celebration will take place? Can people buy tickets?
A CoSM coin is admission for two. Buying a ticket is taking a risk, gambling that we are at our word and will actualize Entheon. The coin is good for any item within CoSM worth $20, however. As coin holders, we vision the opening of Entheon together and trust that we can all make it happen. It will take many friends to build a temple. 

The admission coin looks fantastic. How many are being produced?
It is an unlimited edition. 918 Kickstarter backers of our Entheon campaign will receive a CoSM coin in exchange for two admissions to CoSM. The coin will soon be in the mail. Kickstarter backers will all get theirs before any additional ones go on sale.

If Entheon is your greatest challenge so far, is it also your greatest reward?
Our daughter, Zena is our greatest reward. Our love is our greatest reward. Entheon will be a tremendous satisfaction when it is completed, which may take two years or more. Our greatest blessing is our love being shared with a global community.


Entheon: Sanctuary of Visionary Art
Concept and Design by Alex Grey
Digital Modeling by Ryan Tottle

Follow @nadjasayej on Twitter.

More on Alex Grey:

Chapel of Sacred Mirrors: Cosmic Creativity, Entheogens, and psilocybin with Allyson and Alex Grey

 

 

 

The Greek Government Tried and Failed to Close Their PBS

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Protesters gathering outside the ERT building in Athens.

On Tuesday, it was announced that the ERT—Greece's public television network—would be shut down by Antonis Samaras' New Democracy government after 87 years of operation. Its closure was the latest in a line of austerity measures agreed to when the country was bailed out in 2010. The "sudden death" of the national public broadcaster—which was largely state-funded, with Greek households paying a fee through their electricity bills—took with it some 2,600 jobs; journalists, technicians, artists, and everyone it usually takes to run an array of nationwide TV and radio stations.    

But shuttering ERT was just the beginning of the story. Soon after the announcement was made, the laid-off workers returned to their former office, took control of the company's broadcast frequencies, and began transmitting their own programs. Supporters started gathering, and by around 10 PM—when I made it to the building—thousands had gathered to protest against the government's latest cut. The crowd was made up of all kinds of people, from hardline communists and students to conservatives and entire families there to have their voices heard.

My friend Marina, a staff reporter for the ERT, met me at the entrance of the building. Explaining her thoughts on the situation, she told me, "When you have a headache, you take a painkiller. You don't cut your head off, do you?" Continuing, she said, "We didn't intend to occupy the station, but with this crowd we just had to do it."


Marina.

Everything in the building was still operational, but manned in a much more chaotic way than usual. The ERT's technicians were struggling to keep the signal alive in the control room as the government continued to shut down one crucial broadcasting component after another..

“They started with the digital transmitters,” said Sotiris from the web department, as he frantically tried to install a new DSL line. “Then they moved to analog and all the antennas in the countryside. We’ve been playing hide and seek for a few hours now. We redirect the signal through alternative routes to keep it alive, and they’re gradually shutting us down. We’ll continue until someone loses the game.”

By this point, the corridors were packed with people, still in shock after hearing the news only a few hours earlier. “The ERT only had a surplus of around €40 million last year," Marina told me. "What do they mean it’s a high-spending public service?” Andreas Partsalidis, a long-serving sports presenter, added, “The vast majority of our salaries are no more than €1,000 a month. I still earn the same amount after 30 years of work."


One of the occupied control rooms.

I made my way to the web department, where the main internet connection had been cut, forcing technicians to install new private ADSL lines so they could livestream programs over the internet. Members of the Athens Metropolitan Wireless Network (AMWN), a grassroots community providing wireless internet, turned up to offer help bypassing the telecoms company that had shut down the ERT's internet access by government mandate.    

“At some points we were almost completely gone,” George, a journalist, told me the next day. “People were in despair and we thought, 'This is it.' Then someone stood up and shouted, 'As long as even one person is supporting us outside, I'll keep my position.' And there were lots of people outside, so we couldn't give up."

By the morning, the workers had won a few important technical battles, but the signal was still unstable and they had to regularly change the analog and digital frequencies to keep on broadcasting. Worse still, armed police had begun trekking up the mountains around Athens to switch off the AMWN's antennas, cutting those in the ERT building off from the internet signals they'd been using.


The occupied ERT building.

However, that same morning the European Broadcasters Union (EBU), an organization encompassing broadcasting companies from 56 countries around the world, took an active stance in support of the ERT, setting them up with a channel on satellite TV so they could continue broadcasting. That meant that the programs put out by those occupying the ERT building were now being transmitted via the original ERT World satellite position all over the world, from Australia to the USA, as well as over the internet on hundreds of websites.

The question being asked after the EBU's backing was, "Is this the spark everybody's been waiting for?" After months of the country's patience being exhausted, were we now expected to accept such a huge austerity measure without some kind of protest?

When Mubarak banned Al Jazeera journalists from Egypt and blocked access to the internet during the country's uprising, he just motivated those taking part in the revolution even more. And news of Erdogan arresting bloggers and Twitter users in Turkey during their recent uprising had exactly the same effect.  

By Thursday afternoon, two political parties that support New Democracy were openly questioning the government's decision to shut down the ERT. Then, late on Thursday night, the BBC's director general, Tony Hall, called on the Greek government to reopen their state broadcaster. Meanwhile, the president of the EBU, Jean Paul Philippot, wrote to the president of the European Commission, urging him to force the Greek government to reverse its decision.

On Friday morning, Philippot gave a press conference from inside the occupied ERT building in Athens. “I'm here because this has never happened before in Europe—not since the founding of the EBU—that one of our members has gone black," he said. "Even when the Berlin Wall fell, television was still in operation in East Germany. We know that the ERT wasn't exactly perfect in its operation," he said referring to frequent charges that the station was corrupt and nepotistic, "but it's not the people who work here to blame for this.”


Protesters outside the ERT building.

Analysts have suggested that the closure happened to cover failures in the Greek government's privatization program. A few days ago, an effort to privatize the public gas company DEPA failed when Russian company Gazprom withdrew its bid. Economists are warning that, by September, a new bailout will be needed to support the Greek economy and that the government will continue making cuts in a country where 27 percent of citizens, a record high, are already unemployed.

Last night, Greek Prime Minister Antonis Samaras offered to partially reinstate the ERT, saying, "A temporary committee… can be appointed to hire a small number of [ERT] employees so that the broadcast of information programs can begin immediately." But "a small number" of the roughly 2,600 sacked employees being hired back doesn't look like it's going to stop the rest of the staff from protesting, with a number still occupying the Athens ERT headquarters and continuing to broadcast its original programming over the internet.  

Follow Matthaios on Twitter: @tsimitakis

More from the Greek crisis: 

Sisa: Cocaine of the Poor

Greece's New Anarchist Generation Are Being Tortured by Police

Turkey Is Waging an Invisible War Against Its Dissidents

Sao Paulo Is Burning

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During the Brazilian National Free Fare Fight Day in 2012, a mass demonstration against the rising cost of public transportation, the Movement for the Free Pass (MPL) in São Paulo warned that if public transport fares went up, they would bring the city to a halt. Well, the fare went up 0.20 Brazian real (about $0.08) on June 1st of this year, so MLP called for a protest as promised. Since that day, Sao Paulo’s main streets have played host to numerous violent clashes between police and students. There were three more marches in the weeks that followed.

We got to the first demonstration in front of the Municipal Theater, downtown, around 4:30 PM on Saturday, June 1th. The sun was setting as demonstrators gathered. “Dance, [Mayor Fernando] Haddad, dance to the ground. We are the people gathered against the bus fare rise,” was one of the first chants sang by the crowd. The beat of DIY paint can drums followed. The mayor Fernando Haddad was targeted by most songs. One of them said, “Haddad asshole, take the fare down.” A girl with a megaphone said, “Goiania, Natal, and Rio de Janeiro [three Brazilian cities] took over the streets today. And here we are taking a walk downtown.” Once the crowd reached a critical mass, the protest organized by the Movement for the Free Pass started to walk around the city center, chanting and gathering more people along the way. I’ve been to a lot of protests, but I’ve never seen something so dense and so fearless. Even in other MPL demonstrations in Sao Paulo, we’ve never seen so many anarcho-punks like this time. There was a huge black bloc there. When we got to the mayor’s office, protestors chanted, “Haddad son of a bitch, this fare is insane.” During our tour downtown, some storefronts and walls got spray painted with the anarchist ‘A’ emblem. When we got to Prestes Maia Avenue, I thought we were heading to the Anhangabaú metro station. But then people started to run towards 23 de Maio Avenue, a wide thoroughfare for cars some ten-lanes wide. That’s when things got messy.

The traffic coming from the tunnel, obviously, jammed. Two lanes of the highway were taken over by demonstrators. Holding their flags and banners up high, the MPL brought the city to a halt at 6:40 PM. And the police, who were until that point just silent observers, showed up. Across the highway, going downtown, I saw the first few cops sheltered by the riot police. It was 6:53 PM when the first bombs started to explode more frequently. People decided to head back to the Bandeira Bus Terminus, although some other guys yelled, “Stay here, let’s fucking stay here.” While the military police and the riot police were throwing tear gas bombs, people were making fire barricades throughout the highway. While Raphael, our photographer, was taking pictures of the police coming closer to us, I was taking notes. And I don’t know if it was a moment of distraction or bad luck, but they started to fire rubber bullets in our direction. It was scary. Police officers were shooting about 60 feet away from us. Then I ran into a fellow reporter who was grazed by a rubber bullet. He was pissed. Right after that, a bomb dropped right next to us. People who had nothing to do with the conflict were running in panic.

The highway looked like a war movie. Empty, gloomy, taken over by fire and fog. Helicopters were flying over the scene. I saw people with their groceries making calls, scared, not knowing where to run to. In that scene, the riot police were marching holding their shields up high. And the military police were coming right behind them. Demonstrators moved forward heading to the Sao Paulo Museum of Art at Paulista Avenue. Because of the burning feeling caused by the bombs, we had to stop and go back a little. We were crying too much from the tear gas. Spitting too much. Everything was burning, my nose, my throat. It felt like it would never go away. A photographer gave up trying to get to protesters and went to a bar to wash his face. Raphael almost passed out. I felt sick and a woman showed up out of nowhere with a bottle of water and washed my eyes. Everyone was shedding tears and passing by us with their shirts covering their noses.

The traffic jam started to get better, but 23 de Maio was still full of barricades. Police officers were trying to put down the fire with their feet, but it seemed pointless. When we got close to the Getulio Vargas Foundation at Nove de Julho Avenue, we saw a garbage can on fire and a dumpster turned upside down. We hurried up and got to Paulista Avenue. There we saw a girl who was terrified, crying and all shaken up, leaning against a newsstand. I asked her what happened and she said that she was in the middle of a “shooting.” I told her what was going on, and said she could go safely in that direction. I don’t know if she did.

At Paulista Avenue, the situation was not better at all. Usually picturesque, the street was all fucked up. Glasses in a subway station were broken, concrete trash receptacles were bowled over, and two police mobile stations were dashed. One of them was set on fire. With a car fire extinguisher, a police officer managed to put down the flames. Passersby were taking pictures and shooting videos, but they didn’t seem to be scared – it looked more like some tourists having fun with that unusual scene. The street was completely blocked by demonstrators and their trash and fire barricades.

Near Pátio Paulista Shopping Mall, bombs seemed louder. I was told that some protesters went inside the mall, which ended up shutting down. Some people kept marching through Amadeu Amaral Square, where the riot police got more aggressive. The narrow streets made the traffic even more chaotic. A guy who looked like the captain was yelling at drivers, “Stop this fucking shit! Get out!” and giving orders like, “Squad, 1, 2, activate.” Then we decided to head towards protesters, who were still taking trash from the sidewalks and taking it to the streets, setting up new barricades. It was 8:35 PM.

People started to disperse, so we decided to follow some of them who were heading to the Vergueiro metro station. I asked a guy if they were going to jump over the turnstiles. He said yes. And that’s what they did. Everyone got in the subway chanting and security guards stiffened up. The first protesters jumped over facing some resistance by those guys, who were holding batons. And shit got ugly. Boys and girls took a shortcut to the platform. Others were arguing with the security guards, who were already angry at this point. One girl reported she was called a “nigger” by one of them. And then the fight started. Batons, yelling, broken glass, people running. A guy’s face was bleeding. In the middle of the conflict, I managed to shoot this video.

When the fight was over and there was almost no one else in the station, it shut down. It was 9:04 PM (usually Sao Paulo’s subway stations close after midnight). Minutes later, a cleaning lady who works at the subway station came out desperate and got in a police car. A piece of glass had hit her in her left eye. I asked a security guard if they had arrested someone. He said they didn’t, but he’d like to. Raphael and I thought it was time to go home, but talking to a photographer and some police officers, we found out that there was something going on at Consolação Street. We took a cab with a girl that was going to Paulista. We were dropped off at Brigadeiro Luís Antônio Avenue and walked all the way back to Ciclista Square. We were exhausted, our feet and legs hurt, we were hungry, thirsty, and wanted to go to the bathroom, but we couldn’t think about that. When we got there, we saw part of the military police and riot police officers leaving and some TV reporters were interviewing passersby. Without any sign of protests, we decided it was time to go. According to the police, there were 2,000 people in the protest and 15 were arrested. Although this time the mainstream media specifically mentioned the Movement for the Free Pass, and didn’t just treat them as some “vandal students” as usual, the fight was reported as vandalism caused by punks. I think the brawl could be explained by the massive anarcho-punk presence, or maybe it was the contentious police reaction to the blockage of 23 de Maio. Or maybe both.

The second protest took place on Friday, June 7, and it was milder because the riot police stepped in quickly with their not-so-humane methods. As soon as protesters took over one of the city’s most important and chaotic freeways, Pinheiros, tear gas bombs dropped with no mercy. Sao Paulo came to a halt once again. Weakened by police brutality, the protest dispersed. This day, the local police estimated only 5,000 protesters, as opposed to the 10,000 on the first day and 15,000 on the third.

Then there was a third protest at Paulista Avenue this week. Having had their share of gas bombs over the last few days, people were giving out disposable masks. While protesters gathered, an MPL member was negotiating the crowd’s route with Colonel Marcelo Pignatari, who was in charge of safety that day. He told me the riot police were not standing in position there and everything would be just fine, depending on how protesters behaved.

Going down Consolação Street, people were chanting, and yelling, and calling people who were watching from the sidewalk to join in. Police officers were holding arms to form a human barrier. A few minutes later, it started to rain and people started to chant, “Come to the rain, to fight against the hike.” And other streets were taken by hundreds of demonstrators, reaching 20,000 people according to the MPL. When the crowd got to the city center, two buses were stoned and set on fire. Covering the MPL for the third day, it struck me as an odd thing how long it took the police to take action. And then bingo: bombs and more bombs exploding in the sky, heading towards whoever was there. Around 20 people were arrested during this third protest. Among them, journalists and students. The police say they’re tracking potential “vandals” on the internet. In addition to that, the police themselves announced they have plainclothes officers infiltrating demonstrations to identify people who may “break the order,” an expression constantly used by the police.

On Thursday of this week, the SP Public Ministry informed us they will ask the mayor and the governor to take fares back to their previous price, R$3 [US$1.40], for 45 days, as a way to make the MPL SP stop staging protests in Sao Paulo. This last demonstration was a protest, but the MPL said that if the fare goes back to its previous price, it would be a celebration party. It’s is said that the police will be in huge numbers and employing enormous amounts of violence. I read social networks booming with news that the cops are searching everyone in metro stations and in the streets nearby the Municipal Theater, again the meeting point, where it all started, as I headed there. 

More from Brazil:

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Why Are the British Obsessed with Sheds?

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The finalist for Shed of the Year from the Workshop/Studio category and owner Luke Hollingsworth. All photos via readersheds.co.uk.

Remember when you were a kid and you went to your friend’s house and it was just different enough to be strange? There were couches and a dining room table and a bunch of drawers filled with miscellaneous junk, just like your house, but it was all in the wrong places and smelled different? That’s what UK culture looks like from my perch in the US of A. At times I’m like, “Oh, that place that my ancestors fled from and rebelled against? Seems all right. Lotta funny accents and slang. They’re basically Americans with fewer guns but more alcoholism.” Then I’ll come across something that reminds me that no, no, no—the Brits are different from us; there’s a gulf of understanding between the two cultures that will never be crossed.

That gulf opened up before my eyes when I found out about the Shed of the Year contest.

Here's what that contest consists of: A bunch of (mostly British) people send in photos of their sheds and descriptions of their sheds, and other people vote on which shed is the best shed in each category of shed. The winner of the final shed-off—the king shed, the shed of sheds, if you will—will be announced during Shed Week, which is the first week of July.


The shed that won the Unique Shed category, built by Alex Holland.

I don’t understand any of this. To me—and probably to most Americans—sheds are little crappy booths some people store firewood or tools in. Breaking sheds down into categories and spending money to turn them into replicas of boats (or building them out of boats, as shown above) and awarding prizes to them during a specially designated week makes about as much sense as spending similar amounts of time and effort on fences, or forks, or big piles of rocks. “Wow, what an AMAZING pile of rocks! Gonna get my vote in the ‘Eco-Friendly Pile of Rocks’ category in the Big Pile of Rocks of the Year contest!”

In the UK, though, sheds are important, I guess? From a Mirror article about the Shed of the Year contest, it sounds like every middle-class home had a shed and it was normal to just go and hang out in the shed for long periods of time: “Sheds were traditionally the hiding place for dads. A place of peace and quiet where they could stir paint with pieces of wood and listen to the radio.” (And probably masturbate too, right? Right?)


The shed that won the Eco Shed category and owner Marcus Sheilds.

Bruno Bayley, the European managing editor for VICE, clarified what sheds were traditionally used for in his native UK when I emailed him in what was the middle of the night his time demanding information about sheds:

"Sheds are magical places where dads go to drink lager and curse their wives while surrounded by power tools and broken deck chairs. Except in my case where my mum turned the shed into a studio with a bathroom and electricity—which we still call 'the shed.' It's basically a small garage you can't put a car in." 

It sounds like sheds have that same kind of aura of sad, deflated masculinity that basements and garages do in the US—I picture a father endlessly polishing his boxing trophies and listening, very quietly, to Bruce Springsteen’s Nebraska on vinyl. They have the same connotations in Australia that they do in the UK. In fact, there’s an organization called the Australian Men’s Shed Association that’s devoted to giving men a shed-like place to work on handyman-type tasks while, hopefully, sitting and talking and maybe communicating something about their lives to one another. As the AMSA site says, “Most men have learned from our culture that they don’t talk about their feelings and emotions… [and] that means they usually don’t ask for help. Probably because of this many men are less healthy than women, they drink more, take more risks, and they suffer more from isolation, loneliness, and depression.”


The shed that won the Tardis category, built by David Lifton.

Judging by some of the more whimsical Shed of the Year entries (there’s a whole category for sheds that look like the phone booth in Dr. Who) sheddie culture is a little more upbeat than that Hemmingway-esque portrait of men trapped in a shed-shaped prison of their own devising. That’s what they call themselves, sheddies. There’s a very long online dictionary entry devoted to the phenomenon. According to that entry, the permanent recession we’re living in has led to a lot of women building “garden offices” in sheds, “countering the rather hackneyed image of the shed as the last bastion of masculinity.” Treating sheds like extra rooms that just happen to be in the yard—as Bruno’s mom did—appears to be pretty common.

(This phenomenon isn’t limited to the UK. I’ve heard from Irish friends that building fancy sheds as status symbols was common during that country’s Celtic Tiger boom years, and there’s a company called Shomera that specializes in “home extensions,” a.k.a. sheds that are bourgey as shit.)


Garry Logan inside his shed, which won the Pub Shed category.

The idea of using a shed as an office or living room goes against the original purpose of sheds, which as this very exhaustive article on shed history points out, was to satisfy humans’ “intrinsic need for storage.” Sheds were originally used to keep farming implements and animals in—but of course, these days most people don’t have a lot of animals or farming implements. Most people who have sheds don’t really need them, which is why they can turn them into places to drink or monuments to sci-fi TV shows or whatever. In that respect, some sheddie projects resemble follies, which were expensive outbuildings rich people used to construct just because they could. The transformation of sheds from necessary storage facilities to spaces for hobbies or displays of wealth probably says something about how humans can devote more time to leisure, and less time to feeding themselves. As we evolve, so do our sheds.

That’s some good anthropological BSing, if I do say so myself, but the sheds featured in the Shed of the Year contest aren’t just displays of wealth. What strikes me is how silly many of the sheds are. If Americans got into sheds I imagine they’d be gaudy monstrosities with automatic doors and murals of bald eagles wielding machine guns and flatscreen TVs on every available surface. I try to imagine an American turning a shed into a colorful fake house called the “Hen Pen” and I just can’t. We take ourselves too seriously to ever call ourselves “sheddies.”


Clare Kapma atop her shed, which won the Normal Shed category.

I emailed Blake Holt, the owner of sheddies.com, to explain sheds and shed culture to me, and he told me about an impromptu event he and his friend and fellow shed enthusiast Paul threw around the time of the 2012 Olympics to celebrate everything good about sheds—masculinity, home improvement projects, and apparently a healthy dose of irony:

“Paul had constructed a monumental new shed (which rather stretched the definition of a shed because he had included a section for his wife—to grow stuff!) and wanted a memorable opening ceremony. We couldn't get the guy who did the opening ceremony for London 2012—he was busy apparently—so we decided to have a Shed Olympiad. Events included sledgehammer throwing, wood sawing, screwdriving, wiring a light fitting, and many more of the highly developed DIY (do it yourself) skills that we men develop and hone during our lifetime. A dozen teams entered (including an all-female team who managed to slip under the wire somehow), Gold, Silver, and Bronze medals were struck by the local potter, a keenly competitive atmosphere pervaded the garden. Medals were won (some by the women, alas) and the shed was duly declared open.”


The shed that won the Cabin/Summerhouse category, built by Abigail Walker.

That’s sounds like kind of an odd way to spend one’s time. So does hauling a boat up a hillin order to use it as the roof of a shed, or for that matter, pretty much anything sheddies do. Are Shed Week and the Shed of the Year contest and shed culture an elaborate joke that us Yanks are too dense to get? When a spokesperson for Cuprinoal, the wood preservative brand that sponsors Shed of the Year, says, “Sheds are vital to the British identity,” is that some kind of sarcastic remark wrapped in multiple levels of irony? It has to be, right?


The shed that won the Garden Office category, built by Jonathan Sullivan.

Even after all this research, I still don’t understand sheddies as anything other than a bunch of people who are slightly mad in a harmless, quaint way. Which doesn't make them so bad. It’s better they spend their days remodeling and re-remodeling their sheds than constructing pipe bombs or forming militias, which is what Americans with too much time on their hands tend to do. Sheddies have got a quiet insanity about them, and it’s sort of charming to see that craziness manifested in absurdist home improvement projects. 

And hey, these guys built some cool sheds. What have you ever done that was so great?

@HCheadle

More about Britain:

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Reasons Why Everyone Should Start a New Life in Brilliant Britain


Weediquette: Getting Chased by the Cops

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Photo by Scott Davidson, via Flickr

I like to think of myself as a fairly responsible pothead. I keep my blazing in the street to a minimum, I’ll go to lengths to hide it when kids suddenly appear in the part of the park I’ve co-opted, and when my potheadedness is conspicuous like it was today, traversing Manhattan lit as a daisy and rocking a Cannabis Cup shirt, I’m making more of a conscious choice to broadcast my passion rather than being an oblivious stoner. But mindfulness hasn’t always characterized my behavior.

When I was younger, any discretion that I had was the result of fear rather than decency, and it always took a couple of jolts for me to get it through my thick head that I need to keep my shit on the low. By the age of 22, I had learned plenty, but I was still an idiot. That’s what led to what remains my last serious run-in with the police. I dealt with suburban cops plenty in high school but I learned quickly that city cops are not to be trifled with in the same manner.

In Philadelphia, the cops group all young men into very few categories. Either you are black, Hispanic, possibly black or Hispanic, or you are a college student. College students present no threat whatsoever and are thereby good to go in any circumstance of infringement, save for murder. If you’re in any other category, you might spend a bit more time explaining yourself, and if you’re black you are as good as arrested—unless of course you turn out to be a college student. All in all, it’s a paradigm my homeboys and I were not considering when we went out this one night.

The evening had grown stale, and so Sour Joe (who advised me on bears when I was reflecting on acid), the homie John Smith, and I were riding around with Marv (who shit himself in a previous Weediquette). As it happens, Marv is a ginger Irish kid, Sour Joe is British, I’m brown, and John Smith is black. This joke-setup configuration of the crew wasn’t apparent to us until later. Marv had decided that we’d be driving around until something to do revealed itself, and so we made our first bad decision and cracked open a couple of the 40s we had picked up. Bad decision number two was a natural next step, so suddenly there was a big flat blunt in the mix.

So now we’re cruising through a pretty nice neighborhood in Philly, drinking beers and passing around an L with the windows rolled up. Rooting around in the Horders-worthy backseat of Marv’s car, Smith found a bag of bottle rockets, and so poor decision number three began to take shape. We had some friends who lived in the neighborhood and thought it would be hilarious to pull up outside their house and send a bunch of firecrackers careening up to their window.

Outside the apartment, Smith and I were out of the car, lighting off our novelty explosives and laughing heartily while doing it. Just then, I looked down the block and saw headlights coming towards us, noting that they were coming down the wrong way on a one-way street. Marv peered out of the drivers seat, noticed something, and suddenly his eyes widened. “Get the fuck back in the car,” he said firmly, his eyes still fixed on the headlights. The moment we got into the car, a streetlight revealed the cherry top—cops.

When the shit hits the fan, the man in the hot seat must lead, and so Marv slammed on the gas and my heart lunged as he led us into the mouth of hell. The cop turned on his flashers, making it official: we were now the prey in a police chase. Our car squealed around corners as Marv desperately tried to lose the cop, but after one turn, a second cop came racing down the intersecting street, and after the next another, and finally we saw headlights and flashers coming straight toward us and Marv finally screeched the car to a halt. Over the sirens he uttered a single, enraged, defeated, “FUCK!”

As it happens, we were right on the edge of a park in Philly that is commonly alleged to be the basketball court from the opening sequence of The Fresh Prince Of Bel Air, but on this night a far more diverse crew was making trouble in the neighborhood. Several cops moved toward the car screaming for us to get out, which we were doing nice and slow until they saw John Smith’s black ass sitting in the back and lunged at his door. One of the cops screamed, “He’s reaching into his pocket!” and he and two others flanked Smith, yanked him out of the car, and slammed him into the trunk repeatedly. I distinctly remember his voice shaking out of him, “YoOOo, mAAaan, whaAAt the fuuUUUck?!” as they manhandled him. The rest of us stood outside the car. I counted six cop cars and two paddy wagons blocking us in from all four directions of the intersection. As our category became clear to them, the cops’ faces showed surprise, followed by relief, followed by pure mischief.

They asked for our IDs, which we duly handed over. All, that is, except for John Smith, who had no driver’s license. All he had was a photocopy of his birth certificate (note: birth certificate’s don’t have your picture on them). The cops cuffed him, snatched the document, and started cracking up. “This fucking guy’s name is John Smith and this is his ID. Nice try, dickhead.” They laughed some more before moving on to the ultimate culprit, our driver Marv. They took his license, cuffed him, and asked him—well, they didn’t really ask him as much as advance on him in a manner that demands some kind of response. Marv’s immediate reaction, drunk and Irish and from-Baltimore as ever, was a nice slurry slice of lip. The cops didn’t take kindly to this and one of them said, no lie, “Looks like we got a funny boy on our hands.” Marv refuted this, denying the insinuation and repeating his bon mot, which prompted the cops to keep insisting that he was in fact a funny boy, also using the phrase. Eight voices saying “funny boy” echoed through my faded brain, broken only by a cop who found the bottle rockets.

As it turned out, the cops had gotten a call from residents of this nice neighborhood who thought that our friendly bottle rocket beacons were gunfire. When we gave chase, they thought they had a firefight on their hands, and realizing that they were dealing with perpetrators of the college variety who had bitten off a bit too much, they were inspired to fuck with us. They started lighting bottle rockets and throwing them at Marv.

You’d think that at least one of these grown men would realize that bottle rockets are not great to throw because they will definitely fire off into an unpredictable direction, possibly even right back at the thrower. Nope. Saving some embarrassment, they moved on from the bottle rockets to the brown guy—not quite as enticing as the black guy, but this was just a couple of years after 9/11, so there was definitely some fun to be had. A cop read my Muslim name off of my license and said, “Are you kidding me? I could have you in Guantanamo Bay by dawn.” I must have looked pretty fucking scared when I stuttered, “B-but, I’m an American, m-man,” because the cop seemed to find the square inch of compassion in his coal heart. “I’m not saying it’s right, I’m just saying you can’t be fucking around like these other kids.” Even though I was clearly the guilty party in the situation, I felt enraged at this pigfuck telling me I have to watch myself a little extra because of my name and race. Then I looked over at John Smith bent over the hood of the car with his hands cuffed behind him, and I counted my blessings.

Finally, Sour Joe got an incredibly odd reception from the Philly PD, likely because he introduced himself as our attorney. They cuffed him and one fat cop dragged him into one of the squad cars and stuffed him into the back. Sour later told us that the cop rattled off a bunch of misinformed political op-ed aimed at insulting his British heritage and giving him cause to do something stupid. The cop underestimated his ability to remain British, and Sour emerged from the car without a scratch right around the time the other cops decided they were done with the rest of us.

They uncuffed everyone, corralled us together, and the cop who had threatened me with detention said, “We’re letting you go. You did a stupid thing. The car stays here, you walk home, and stick together. Safety in numbers.” We got the flying fuck out of there.

Like cops anywhere, these city enforcers aimed to teach us a lesson by scaring the shit out of us, harassing us, and overall letting us know how unpleasant it is to be on the wrong side of the law, or perceived as such. They just did it in a more intense way than I had previously experienced. What they didn’t do was actually charge us for the drinking and driving and smoking blunts and disturbing the peace. Marv got about 500 dollars in tickets, but that was the end of it.

Ever since that experience, I’ve remained clear of police scrutiny. I don’t drink much anymore, so such shenanigans don’t get the fuel they require. It’s just as well. I don’t think 29-year-olds get the same slack as college students when it comes to drinking and driving.  

@Imyourkid

Previously - Getting High and Making Beats

Amid the Chaos of Taksim Square

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Screams gave way to the quiet of early morning on June 11th. After many days of cheerful protest, the Istanbul police began the “clearance” of Taksim Square. Protestors anticipated such a strike, gas masks in hand. The assault consisted mainly of water canons and tear gas aimed all around the Gezi Park, Taksim Square, and various side streets. That day wouldn’t be the last time security forces raided Taksim Square or Gezi Park. On Saturday, June 15th riot police fired tear gas, water canons, and rubber bullets effectively clearing the park of protesters by force.

The animosity between police and protesters, however, pales in comparison to the compassion that civilians and protesters displayed towards one another on Saturday, and back on June 11th.

Protestors assisted civilians between retaliating with rocks and slingshots. They would hold their hands and run them to medic stations nearby. At every street, shopkeepers took people in, closing their shutters until the street was clear of police and gas. Free water, food, lemon juice, and various homemade tonics for tear-gassed eyes were passed around for anyone in need. I had never experienced this kind of support and unification amid such chaos. I believe this was the heart that fueled the protests Istanbul protests motivating masses to return back to Taksim even though they had been gassed, soaked with both water and another chemical spray that irritated the skin. Kids refused to sit back and would approach the police asking them questions while watching a door being broken into, chairs being thrown out as young girls were arrested one by one, screaming for their release. People later that day began selling various masks and goggles.

By night, not a single person walked without a mask. The resistance lasted for over 20 hours, and Taksim became like a tulip, with Gezi park its center, as it would close and open with thousands of people either standing fiercely in front of construction trucks and the police or singing and laughing while improving their strategies on handling the next potential surge. That next surge, which came last night, has cleared the park, but the struggle for Gezi Park and Taksim Square is far from over. 

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Toppling a Delicate World

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Illustrations by Nick Gazin

Bharati Mirchandani’s face hurt from smiling. She was standing under a spotlight, arms locked with her fiancé’s, at the Bukhara Grill and Restaurant. Waiters in gimmicky Nehru jackets glided across the carpeted room and an invisible voice cracked during the depressing chorus of a ghazal. Bharati leaned towards her man to complain about suffocating under her corset blouse and being tormented by the aroma of chicken biryani while gray-haired guests in Banarasi saris and safari suits lumbered towards them with Sanskrit blessings and envelopes filled with cash.

Feigning distress felt glamorous, especially at her own engagement party. She liked the sound of her name in conversations, the way strangers paid attention to her, how her mother’s eyes shone to match the golden rim of her glasses. 

She liked it so much that she forgot it was a farce. She forgot that she was pretending to be the sort of bride her family watched in Indian soap operas. She was in character—face caked with make-up, frame delicate under the weight of cascading gold necklaces, mouth sealed with red lipstick. Her persona even inspired her to pluck off the plastic ring her lesbian partner had given her and cry in front of a mirror. It had to be done to make room for the diamond Kamlesh Lalvani’s family would produce from a small brocade purse.

That both she and the man she was about to marry were gay was no secret to relatives who participated in the spectacle. Yet, they roared with beetle leaf-stained teeth at jokes like, “Marriage is about give and take. Husband gives money and wife takes it. Wife gives tension and husband takes it,” whispered “first night tips” into her ear and offered advice about how to keep a man in control.

Bharati and her fiancé would never have had a marriage greeted with stuffed envelopes had her family not lived in a world fortressed with denial. For this reason, Bharati and other sources in this story have asked that their names be changed.

Bharati’s mother was almost always in the mood to play dumb. When Bharati came out to her at a Hindu temple in Queens, New York in 2003, it didn’t worry her too much because Bharati’s horoscope clearly said she would marry a man. “She thought it was a phase and it would pass because my horoscope said so,” Bharati says, manically gathering discarded clothes before letting visitors into her apartment in midtown Manhattan one snowy day in March this year. “She just does not get it.”

Bharati remembers speaking to Meenu Aunty, the matriarch who made decisions about what was to be made for dinner, where the second generation Mirchandanis could buy apartments, which jobs they could take, and whom they could marry. “She told me that whether Kamlesh and I have sex or not is nobody’s business and that I should marry him for the sake of our family,” Bharati says, while rearranging things that are already in place on her dining table. “I was in my late 20s, we were both under family pressure, and I wanted to help him get a Green Card.”

While Bharati and Kamlesh lived together, they would send out combined Diwali and Christmas cards and color coordinate clothes for parties. But when the door of their apartment shut behind them, she slept with Tina and he slept with David. 

By the time color-coordinated clothes stopped amusing Bharati, she realized she was “a big screw up.” It was 2007, two years after their wedding. She was leading two different lives, but felt at home in neither. “I married Kamlesh because I wanted to cut the umbilical cord. I was out when I did this but all this stuff pushed me back into the closet.”

She needed her family’s acceptance, even if it meant the humiliation of pretending to be someone else, someone who would be intelligible to those who stubbornly refused anything outside of a heterosexual tradition. She also craved to be her own person, marry a woman she loved and start a family.

***   

In 1860, British men, likely in tailcoats, cocked hats, and lace cuffs, drafted Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code criminalizing “carnal intercourse against the order of nature” to protect their men from “getting corrupted in colonies with morally lax norms.” Section 377 clubbed homosexuality with bestiality and sodomy, and made these crimes punishable with up to ten years in the clink.

When the British left India in 1947, the law remained as untouched as the crumbling infrastructure. Indians held onto it like a precious memory, even embracing it with the same zeal as we made English the language of social mobility. We confused homophobia with Indianness, even though our mythology brimmed with references to homosexuality and our religious texts preached the idea of a genderless soul and marriage as a union of two souls. 

According to Ruth Vanita, a professor of women’s studies at the University of Montana, homophobia was clearly part of a generalized attack on Indian sexual mores practiced by British missionaries. In an essay titled Same-Sex Weddings, Hindu Traditions and Modern India that was published in the Feminist Review in 2009, she argued that “most Indian nationalists internalized this homophobia and came to view homosexuality as a crime even as they also attacked polygamy, courtesan culture, matriliny and other institutions that were seen as opposed to monogamous heterosexual marriage.” “Prior to this, homosexuality had never been considered unspeakable in Indian texts or religion,” she wrote.

Over the past three decades, Indian newspapers have reported same-sex marriages and double suicides by gay and lesbian people across rural and urban India. Vanita, who is also the cofounder of Manushi, a grassroots feminist magazine in India, wrote that most of these couples were Hindus from low-income groups who did not speak English and were not connected to any movement for gender quality. “Most of them were not aware of the terms ‘gay’ or ‘lesbian,’” she wrote. They framed their desire for marry in terms drawn from traditional ideas of love and marriage, saying, for example, that they could not conceive life without each other, or that they wanted to live and die together.

Marriage has a peculiar place in Indian culture. Hindu philosophy says it’s a metaphor for worldly responsibilities, a mandatory duty of an Indian girl and boy, an occasion that marks the end of childhood. Only those who decide to renounce the world to seek moksha or self-actualization may choose not to marry and have children.

Marriage also became an arrangement between two families, preferably of the same class and caste, to cement these boundaries in a culture that places more emphasis on collective identity than individuality. Just as we don’t choose our parents and siblings, we should not expect to choose our partners or challenge caste structures dictated by birth.

But India is a society in transition. As the economy transforms, a new textured idea of Indian modernity is taking shape. When I turned 18, my family worried about who I was going to marry. “Make sure he’s Gujarati” soon became “make sure he’s Hindu.” But when I turned 27 and was not-getting-any-younger, the resounding sentiment became, “Marry someone before we die.”   

At least in India’s big cities, traditional social hierarchies are being challenged, gender equations are being questioned, and arranged marriages are being rethought.  Yet for an overwhelming majority of Indians, at home and abroad, marriage is still a collective priority that trumps personal choice.

In July 2009, the New Delhi High Court overturned Section 377, decriminalizing homosexuality after hearing a public interest litigation demanding legalization of homosexual intercourse between consenting adults. It was the culmination of a gay rights movement that spanned 18 years. But an amendment can’t wipe out a tradition of discrimination. As a result, many gay and lesbian Indians like Bharati, who live in more open-minded societies such as the United States, must still contend with traditional social constructs, gender roles, and marriages of convenience. While they are emancipated by virtue of the location, they are still shackled in the tradition of a country they left behind.

For some, that means cloaking their identities within accepted institutions. Vanita, in her book Love’s Rite: Same-Sex Marriage in India and the West, studied the advertisements in 20 issues of Trikone, a magazine for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender South Asians in San Francisco, Ca. Eleven-and-a-half percent of all the personal ads that ran from 1998 to 2003 were placed by gay people looking for gay people of the opposite sex to enter into a marriage of convenience.

Another 2 percent were placed by traditionally married bisexual or gay people looking for same sex relationships outside their marriage. One advertiser who was looking for a “straight-acting young lesbian of Indian origin” wrote, “If you, as a gay Indian female, want to be true to yourself without toppling a delicate world, drop me a line.”

***

I met Bharati at Kashmir 9, a Pakistani deli in New York with pistachio couches, greasy tables and an in-house pawnshop. She grumbled in Hindi about how the food was not spicy enough and then settled into a torn seat to show me her discovery: Sahi Rishta (Right Relationship in Hindi), a Youtube channel on which Indian women make pitches to find grooms.   

F #8695: Hello I’m a modern day woman, looking for a modern day man. If boy ever opens door for me, I will leave him. I mean he should not think that I cannot open my own doors.

F #4558: I want to make it clear itself now that I have a mini skirt which I wear it occasionally. I want the boy to respect that and his family to allow it. He should not read any adult stuff because it’s a treating a woman an object and we are not an object.

F #4899: Hello, good morning. Myself Ridhima, I’m looking for a suitable groom who will never call me any pet name. Boy should strictly remember that. He don’t call me pumpkin, honey, sugar or any other sweet name because I’m not a dessert…Only interested groom can apply with resumé.

“This one’s mine. I’m sending her my resumé. I want her so bad,” Bharati declares, pointing to F #4899, a pudgy woman with a thick Maharashtrian accent, a woolly fringe, and a patterned Indian shirt with an oval hole around her cleavage.

Bharati is only half joking. She won’t send her resumé to F #4899, but she does hope to find a marriageable Indian girl. The thought crosses her mind every time she meets a girl who can speak Hindi or knows the difference between Katrina Kaif and Kareena Kapoor, both Bollywood actresses. But months of therapy and yoga remind her to conquer these thoughts for now. “I need to work on myself before I get into a relationship,” she says.

It took Bharati and Kamlesh two years to accept that their marriage of convenience couldn’t hold together. Bharati had broken up with her girlfriend Tina—“a Type A investment banker”—and had grown fed up with hiding Kamlesh’s promiscuity from his boyfriend David. In the summer of 2007, they called off the marriage and Kamlesh moved out of Bharati’s apartment.

It was then that Bharati found Cinthya Garcia on a website that connected lesbians looking for casual sex. They liked each other, had sex again, eventually fell in love and moved in together. “My mother really liked Cinthya and that made me happy,” Bharati says. “But then she would ask us when we were going to settle down. What she really meant to say was, ‘When will you settle down with men?’”

After four years of being together, Bharati cheated on Cinthya with an Indian man. “I was in a messed up place. Cinthya was not Indian, and it wasn’t working for me,” she says. “It’s important to me, these little cultural things, I want my kids to know Hindi, I want to feel connected to the person. I mean, if we fight, just make me daal and rice, and I’ll forget it. You can’t instill this in someone who doesn’t have it.”

***

When Asif Ali, a gay American of Pakistani origin, came out 21 years ago, he wasn’t looking for a Pakistani man to make a home with. But then, after he had been dating a Jewish American man for three years, he met Ahmed Khan. Now, Asif and Ahmed have lived together for 16 years ago. Their home in Murray Hill has wallpapers with Damask print, handwoven rugs, and the scent of ginger chai. “The fact that he was Pakistani made things easy, it was immediately comfortable. We shared the same pop culture references, the same values towards our parents,” Asif says.

Asif moved to the US in 1971 when he was three. During the 1980s, when he began to realize he was “different,” the hysteria around the AIDS epidemic was getting intertwined with homophobia. “There were no role models. When I came out myself, I felt very conflicted about my faith, culture and sexuality and never understood how I would reconcile these things,” he says.

When he tried to come out to his family, he was reminded that in South Asian households, sexuality was the elephant in the room. Finally, he told his mother in his best Urdu that he was not going to marry. She was expected to figure out the rest.

Although Asif would have Ahmed over and his mother would affectionately feed them kebabs and rice pudding, that didn’t mean she approved of their relationship. “What’s interesting is that we are a homosocial culture. ‘That’s Asif’s friend, they are sleeping in one bed, they are affectionate with each other, that’s the way male friends are.’ And there’s nothing uncomfortable about that,” he says. “On one hand is this real level of comfort, and on the other hand it becomes easy to sweep things under the rug and not acknowledge that two men are actually a couple.”

When Ahmed overtly came out to his mother in 1998, who still lives in Karachi, she proposed placing an ad for a suitable boy. Now when she speaks to Asif on the phone, she calls him her favorite son-in-law. “I don’t have a problem with that because the great thing about being gay is that it makes you open to being of both genders,” he says.  

Asif says that his hyphenated ethnic identity as a Pakistani-American allows him to choose and reject aspects of two cultures. For instance, he views marriage in Pakistan as an institution designed to oppress women and is not sympathetic to the spectacle assigned to the same-sex marriage debate in America either. On the other hand, he is fascinated by the queer history of his country: Barbar the Mughal emperor and his gay lovers; Sufi poetry as a form by and for men; Madho Lal Hussain, the composite shrine of a Sufi saint and his Hindu lover.

***

Bharati’s idea of India and sexuality is derived more from memory than mythology. She was born in Chennai, the coastal city in southern India, where Brahmins bathed if so much as the shadow of a lower-caste Dalit fell on them. Her Sindhi mother had eloped with her Telugu father and hoped for a happy life. But a few years into their marriage, he became an alcoholic.

When Bharati was five, and her mother was putting her to sleep, her father burst into the room drunk. He ordered Bharati to sleep on the floor and then had sex with her mother. Bharati lay on the floor, sleepless. “When you’re a child and you see all this stuff… you don’t think much of it,” she says. “But it changes the way you look at sex.”

After ten years of her parents’ marriage, Bharati’s father killed himself in their apartment. Her mother, who already had two daughters, was married off to Murli, a neighbor’s brother who liked to be called Mike. One the second day of her new parents’ honeymoon in New Delhi, Mike was found in his underwear on the streets. “No one told my mother he was bipolar. He suddenly didn’t want to be in this marriage,” she says. “A widow with two children in India is damaged goods, I guess.”

Bharati’s mother begged Mike to take her to Connecticut, saying she could help run his grocery business. He agreed on the condition that her children stay out of his hair. Bharati and her sister moved to the United States in 1989. She was 13 then and she was packed off to Meenu Aunty’s house in Queens, NY where nine people shared one room. 

Bharati would often ask her mother to let her come to Connecticut, but her stepfather would only let her stay with them he was in a good mood. His moods were unpredictable, and so Bharati was sent to four different high schools in Queens and Connecticut.

***

All of Bharati’s experiences with sex were non-consensual until she realized she was gay. She was molested repeatedly by her father’s friend between the ages of five and 12. “I thought that is the only way sex can be,” she says.

At 20, when she was spending a summer in her cousin’s empty dorm room in the University of Minnesota while he interned out of state, her perception of sex changed. Bharati would wake up in cold sweat, haunted by dreams about women pursuing her, of her kissing them. She confided in her only friend, the building maintenance worker, and he introduced her to Melissa: an Irish woman who went only by her first name and whose hair sprung like blonde feather dusters from her scalp. She had tattoos, wrote poetry, and spoke in feministese.

“My sense of identity was communal, it came from my family. And Melissa lived her life the way she wanted to. She was so attractive to me,” she says.

One Friday, when Bharati’s boyfriend missed his flight to Minnesota, she invited Melissa to a Broadway show. “I go to pick her up and the next thing you know I’m in her bedroom and she’s going through stuff to wear, removing her shirt. She was so freaking free, I didn’t know where to look,” Bharati says. “My heart was racing, I had never felt that way with a man. I could feel every cell in my body.”

Melissa introduced Bharati to her girlfriend Kamaya, who hung out with lesbian strippers in Wisconsin. They drove there together. It was the first time Bharati had been to a strip club: women with dollar bills tucked in their underwear propositioned her and argued among themselves to be her “first.”  

When her cousin returned to his dorm, Bharati went home to Queens. But she returned liberated from trauma and depression, a state of mind previously such an important part of her identity that she could not recognize herself anymore.  

“If I could be two people at once: one for my family and one for myself, I would be the happiest person on this planet,” Bharati says. Her efforts to achieve this—marrying Kamlesh, cheating on Cinythia—pushed her into a corner. She knows this corner well—it’s dark, suffocating and lonely. She’s spent days, sometimes weeks, in bed, avoiding everyone who cares for her. One time, she got so angry with her therapist, she punched the windshield of her car.  

Yet, Bharati can’t resist the urge of wanting to please her family or bear to pretend to be “normal” the way her mother wants her to. “If happiness is something that comes from within, I don’t remember what it feels like.”

@Mansi_Choksi

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The Mare

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Photos by Sorryimworking

I

met Velveteen when I was 45, but I felt still young. I looked young too. This is probably because I had not done many of the things most people of that age have done: I’d had no children and no successful career. I married late after crashing through a series of relationships and an intense half-life as an artist visible only in Lower Manhattan, the other half of my life being that of a drug addict. 

I met my husband in Narcotics Anonymous; he lived in the city then, though we’ve since moved to a small town upstate. He makes a good living as a tenured English professor at a small college. A lot of his income goes to support his wife and daughter from a previous marriage, and we live in an old faculty-housing unit long on charm and short on function. Not owning doesn’t bother us, though. We are comfortable, and we are happy with each other. We go out to eat a lot and travel in the summer. 

When people ask me what I do now, I sometimes say, “I’m retired,” sometimes, “I’m transitioning,” and very occasionally, “I’m a painter.” I’m embarrassed to say the last part even though it’s true: I paint almost every day, and I think I’m better than I was when I showed at a downtown gallery 20 years ago. But I’m embarrassed anyway because I know I sound foolish to people here, people who have kids, and jobs too, and who wouldn’t understand my life before I came here. There are a few—women who paint at home, too—who I’ve been able to talk about it with, describe what art used to be to me, and what I’m trying to make it be again: a place more real than anything in “real” life. A place I remember dimly, a place of deep joy, where, when I could get to it, was like tuning in to a radio frequency that was sacred to me. Regardless of anything else, nothing was more important than carrying that frequency on the dial of myself.  

The problem was, other people created interference. It was hard for me to be close with them and to hear the signal at the same time. I realize that makes me sound strange. I am strange, more than the bare facts of my life would say. But I have slowly come to realize that so many people are strange that maybe the word is nearly meaningless when applied to human beings. Still, people interfered. And so I created ways to keep them at a distance, including an increasingly expensive drug habit. What I didn’t see, or allow myself to see, was that drugs created even more interference than people; they were a sinister signal all their own, one that enhanced and blended with, then finally blotted out, the original one. When that happened, I got completely lost, and for many years didn’t even know it.

When I met Paul, I was 40 and he was 46. I hadn’t done art for a couple of years; it had all but gone dead for me. We went to the same Narcotics Anonymous meeting, a stunned, bright-lit place with no signals, just people. Even though it was a year before we had coffee together, I immediately noticed his deep eyes, the animal eloquence of his hairy hands.

When we moved out of the city, I began to feel the signal again, but differently. I felt it even when I was with Paul, which did not surprise me—he was not “other people.” But I began to feel it with actual other people too, or rather through them, in the density of families living in homes, going back for generations in this town. I would see women with babies in strollers or with their little children in the grocery store, and I would feel their rootedness in the place around us and beyond—in the grass and earth, trees and sky.

To feel so much through something I was not part of was, of course, lonely. I began to wonder if it had been a mistake not to have children, to wonder what would’ve happened if I’d met Paul when I was younger. The third time we had sex, he said, “I want to make you pregnant.” I must’ve had sex hundreds of times before, but no one had ever said that to me. I never wanted anyone to say it; girlfriends would tell me a guy had said that, and I would think, How sickening! But when Paul said it, I heard “I love you.” I felt the same; we made love, and I pictured my belly swelling against all odds.

It was too late. I didn’t get pregnant. Instead my sister Melinda died. I know the two things don’t go together. But in my mind they do. My sister lived in Cleveland, Ohio. She had been sick a long time; she had so many things wrong with her that nobody wanted to think about her, including me. She was drunk and mean and crazy and would call saying fucked-up things in the middle of the night. When she was younger, she’d hung around with a sad-sack, small-time biker gang, and now that she was falling off a cliff—my guess is they were, too—they didn’t want to talk to her. I didn’t want to talk to her either, but I would, closing my eyes and forcing myself to listen. I would listen until I could remember the feeling of her and me as little girls, drawing together, cuddled up on the couch, eating ice cream out of teacups. Sometimes I couldn’t listen, couldn’t remember; she’d talk and I’d check my email and wait for her to go away. And then she did.

She had a stroke while she was taking a shower. The water was still running on her when they found her a few days later. It was summer and her body was waterlogged and swollen. Still I could identify her, even with her thin, tiny mouth nearly lost in her cheeks, and her chin and her brows pulled into an inhuman expression.

Paul went with me to clear out her apartment. I hadn’t been to visit her for at least a decade—she always preferred to visit me or my mother, and I could see why. Her apartment was filthy, full of old takeout containers, used paper plates and plastic utensils, boxes and bags crammed with the junk she’d been meaning to take out for years. Months of unopened mail lay on every surface. There was black mold on the walls. Paul and I stood there in the middle of it and thought, Why didn’t we help her? The obvious answer was we had helped her. We had sent her money, we had flown her out to visit on Christmas. I had talked to her, even when I didn’t want to. But, standing in her apartment, I knew it hadn’t been enough. She’d known when I hadn’t wanted to talk, which was about half the time. Given that, what good was the money?


When the shock was still wearing off, I would go for long walks through the small center of town, out on to country roads, then back into town again. I’d look at the women with their children; I’d look into the tiny, beautiful faces and think of Melinda when she was like that. There was this one time I remember when our washing machine was broken, and I had to go to the laundromat; I was there by myself and this song came on the radio station that the management had on. It was a song that was popular in the 70s, about a girl and a horse who both die. I was folding clothes when I recognized it. The singer’s voice is thin and fake, but it’s pretty, and somewhere in the fakery is the true sadness of smallness and failure and believing in beautiful things that aren’t real because that’s the only way to get through. Tears came to my eyes. When Melinda was little, she loved horses. For a while she even rode them. We couldn’t afford lessons, so she worked in a stable to earn them. Once I went with my mother to pick Melinda up from there, and I saw her riding in the fenced area beside the stable. She looked so confident and happy I didn’t recognize her; I wondered who that beautiful girl was. “They say she died one winter / When there came a killin’ frost / And the pony she named Wildfire busted down its stall / In the blizzard she was lost.” It was a crap song. It didn’t matter. It made me picture my sister before she was ruined, coming toward me on a beautiful golden horse. “She’s comin’ for me I know / And on Wildfire we’re both gonna go.” I cried quietly, still folding the clothes. No one was there to see me.  

It was maybe a year later that I started talking to Paul about adoption. At first he said, “We can’t.” Although he didn’t say it, I think he was hurt that I hadn’t really tried to have his child, but now I wanted some random one. Also, his daughter from his first marriage, Edie, didn’t want to go to school where he taught, and he’d promised to pay her tuition at Brown after his ex-wife had thrown a fit about it. Even if money wasn’t an issue, he didn’t think we would have the physical energy for a baby.  

“What about an older child?” I had asked. “Like a seven-year-old? But we wouldn’t know anything about the kid,” he’d said. They would come fully formed in ways that would be problematic and invisible to us until it was too late. 

We went back and forth on the subject, not intensely, but persistently, in bed at night and at breakfast. Months went by; spring came and the dry, frigid winter air went raw and wet, then grew full and soft. Paul’s eyes began to be soft when we talked too. One of his friends told him about an organization that brought poor inner-city kids up to stay with country families for a few weeks. The friend suggested it as a way to “test the waters,” to see what it might be like to have somebody else’s fully formed kid around. 

We called the organization and they sent us information, including a brochure of white kids and black kids holding flowers and smiling, of white adults hugging black kids, and of a slender black girl touching a woolly white sheep. It was sentimental and flattering to white vanity and manipulative as hell. It was also irresistible. It made you think the beautiful sentiments you pretend to believe in really might be true. “Yes,” I said. “Let’s do it. It’s only two weeks. We could find out what it’s like. We could give a kid a nice summer, anyway.”

The bus came late. We waited in a hot schoolyard for an hour because we didn’t get the message. We figured it out when we saw nobody else was there, but we were afraid to go get a cold drink because we weren’t sure how early we were. Paul sat in the car with the door open listening to the radio. I got out and paced up and down the asphalt. I didn’t like the look of it, this dry flat line between earth and sky—who would want somebody else’s empty schoolyard to be the first thing they saw in a new place? I thought about the voice of the girl on the phone, Velvet. She sounded so full and round, sweet and fresh.  

I wanted to give that voice sweet, fresh things, to gather up everything good and give it. The night before, we had gone out and bought food for her—boxes of cereal and fruit to put on it, eggs in case she didn’t want cereal, orange juice and bacon and white bread, sliced ham and cheese, chicken for barbecue, chocolate milk, carrots. “Did your daughter like carrots when she was little?” I asked Paul. “I don’t remember,” he said. “I think so.” “All kids eat carrots,” I said, and put them in the shopping cart. “Ginger, don’t worry so much,” he said. “Kids are simple. As long as you’re nice to them and take care of them, they’ll like you. OK?”

But that is not how I remembered kids. I paced the asphalt. The way I remembered kids was that they wanted things to be a certain way—or was that just us? I remembered me and Melinda sitting out in the middle of the street on the Fourth of July, eating Jell-O pudding and watching fireworks, both of us thinking we saw Tinker Bell in the sky just like on TV, holding hands, everything perfect. We were happy then. But our happiness was fragile, and it took very little to break it.  

Other cars with middle-aged white people were beginning to arrive in the lot. The thing was, I wasn’t sure if I had everything good to give. Or even anything. “Yourself,” Paul had said, holding me one night. “The real self is the best thing anyone can give to anybody.” And I believed that. But I did not think it would be an easy thing to give. 

Paul got out of the car. “Look,” he said. “They’re here.” And there were the buses, two of them huffing into the yard. I thought, Act normal. The buses stopped; doors jerked open and rumpled, hot-looking adults poured out, smiles on their faces. Last names and numbers were shouted out. Kids jumped out of the buses, some of them blinking eagerly in the sunlight, some looking down like they were embarrassed or scared.  

And then there was this one. Her round head was too big for her skinny body, and her long, kinky hair made it seem even bigger. Her skin was golden brown, her lips were full, her cheekbones strong. She had a broad, gentle forehead, broad nose, and brown eyes that were enormous and heavy-lashed, with intense brows. She had a purity of expression that stunned my heart.  

I heard Paul’s name. We came forward. The child turned her eyes fully on us. I had an impulse to cover my stunned heart with my hand and a stronger impulse to touch the girl’s face. “This is Velvet,” said a nondescript someone with a smile in her voice. “Velvet, this is Mr. and Mrs. Adams.” She was ours!  

She was so beautiful, so solid in her body, but so shy in the way she took things. I felt excited and scared about how to act—I couldn’t even respond properly to my own family, how could I take care of a needy child from another culture? It was a cliché to think that way, but I could feel her difference. At the same time, I could feel her child’s goodness, her willingness to help us, and that was more compelling. We gave her privacy to talk to her mother, and when we got downstairs, I whispered to Paul, “What do you think?”

“She’s a sweetheart,” he said. “It’s going to be fine.”  

She came downstairs almost immediately. Her face was sad, and the shift of emotion was profound—for a moment, I thought something terrible had happened. But she just said her mom wasn’t home. I got her to eat some cookies and asked her what she wanted to do. I said we could go to see the town or to the lake or the bowling alley or for a walk around the neighborhood. Or we could walk over and visit the horses in the stables across the road from us. “The horses,” she said, some cookie in her mouth. “We could see the horses?”


***

When we got back to the house, she wanted to eat a sandwich, so I fixed her a ham and cheese, with tomatoes for health. She asked if there were any pickles, and I said no, I was sorry. She looked at me quizzically while she ate. Tomatoes dripped out. She asked if those girls would be at the barn when she went for her lesson. I said I didn’t know. I wondered if they said something racial to her, but I didn’t want to embarrass her by asking. I didn’t think there would be direct racism in this town. But it might come in a subtler form.

“What did you think of them?” I asked.

“I dunno,” she said.  

“Would you want to see them again?”

“No.”

I asked if she’d brought a swimsuit. She said yes. I told her we’d gotten a life jacket for her, for when we went to the lake. She asked to see it, and when I brought it, she put it on and frowned; it was too small. My heart sank a little. We both went out to the garden where Paul was pulling weeds and told him we were going to the store to get a new life jacket. He said he would go with us. She wore the life jacket into the car, and I was aware of her fiddling with it as we drove. When we went over the Kingston Bridge, I sensed her stop fiddling for a moment; I turned and saw her hands still in her lap, her soft, responsive profile as she looked out the window reacting to the huge bright sky and sparkling water. I felt pulled by big feelings, but I didn’t know what they were.   

When we got to the parking lot of the store and found a place, she said, “I made it fit.” And she had! She had worked out the adjustable straps and fasteners that we hadn’t even thought to look for. Paul said, “You’re smarter than us!” And her eyes sparkled shyly.

We decided that since we were at the mall, we would buy her a bike. It took a long time because she was so uncomfortable about choosing one. We kept asking, What about this one? Do you like this one? Do you like the color? And she would say, “I dunno,” and look down, as if confused. I asked her, “Do you want a bike?” She said yes, but almost in the same way she might say no. A salesman came over and that only made it worse. I was beginning to feel we were doing some strange violence to her, when she said, “That one,” and pointed to a violet bike with flowers on it.   

When we got back home, Paul and I got our bikes, and we all went for a ride in the neighborhood across the county road behind our house. It was a short ride, but it seemed like an adventure, and it linked the three of us. We sweated up some hills and then coasted down fast. We came to some broken asphalt—I yelled, “Lumpety bumpety!” And Velvet grinned triumphantly as we bounced over it. When we came to a little park with a duck pond, she wanted to stop and see the ducks. There was a swing set, and even though it was preschool size, Velvet wanted to swing on it. We were too big to swing with her, and so we took turns pushing her. We played on the teeter-totter and the rickety wooden go-round, then she wanted to go back to the swings. She did everything with enchanted hunger, like she was maybe too old for this but wanted it anyway, because she knew it was something she should’ve had earlier. Besides, it was fun—or, at least, we thought it was fun.  

When we got home, Paul asked Velvet if she liked Celia Cruz. She said, “Yes!” So he put on a Cruz CD and turned it up loud enough so that you could hear it in the backyard. Velvet kept me company while I made the salad and got the chicken ready for Paul to cook outside. It felt good to make food for her. I remembered my mom fixing food in the kitchen, her hips solid against the counter as she moved her hands; I remembered the feeling of love and trust in it. I wanted to be that, even if it was only for a little while. When Paul came in with the chicken on a big plate, I knew he was enjoying it, too.      

At dinner we asked about her family. She told us about her brother, who was also visiting another family. She told us her mother worked as an old person’s aide. She asked if we had any kids. Paul told her about his daughter; Velvet was disappointed when Paul told her that Edie was in Italy. Velvet didn’t ask me about kids, but she looked at me curiously. When I didn’t say anything, she said she wanted to try her mother again.

Velvet sounded happy when her mom answered. She said, “Ma-mi!” But right away the woman started yelling. She was yelling so loud I could hear her from a foot away. Velvet spoke quickly, sometimes arguing, sometimes almost pleading. I heard “Celia Cruz” said hopefully; the mother just kept yelling. Finally Velvet looked at me and said, “My mom says thank you for buying me the bike.” Then she put the phone down, looking both mad and happy.

We watched some videos. I had one I’d picked out in advance, a movie about a tough Hispanic girl who learns how to box and triumphs over her crappy life. I hadn’t seen it, but I’d seen trailers for it; they showed one person after another yelling at the girl about how she was no good while the words “Prove them wrong!” flashed on the screen. Then they showed the girl punching the crap out of a bag, then Latin music. I thought it was inspiring—Prove them wrong!—and I looked forward to sitting there with Velvet, being inspired together. We put it on, and there was the first scene of the girl’s father yelling at her that she was no good. Velvet looked depressed. “It’s going to get better,” I said encouragingly. The yelling at home went on for a long time. Then the girl got to school and a teacher yelled at her. Other girls insulted her, and pretty soon, she was in the bathroom, beating on somebody. “Can we watch something else?” Velvet asked.   

Embarrassed, I showed her the other ones: something about a Pakistani girl overcoming prejudice to become a soccer star in England, and something about a blond girl discovering that she is a princess. Velvet picked the second one. We watched it together on the couch. Yearningly, Velvet drank in its scenes of senseless abundance and approval. An actress who was famous for playing a beautiful, fun-loving nun when I was a kid took the princess into a room and gave her tons of jewelry. In a trance of pleasure, this little girl who did not know me leaned against me and put her head on my shoulder. Shyly I touched her hair. Paul came into the room, and I felt his warmth even though the lights were down and I couldn’t see his face.

That night Paul and I went to bed feeling close, our arms wrapped around each other. When I woke up in the middle of the night, scared and sad from a dream I couldn’t remember, I reached for him, pressing myself against his back. But instead of his name I heard myself say, “M’lindie!” which is what I called Melinda when I was five. Then I was awake enough to know it was Paul’s big male back I was holding—but still I whispered again, “Melinda.” And then I fell back to sleep.  

Which maybe isn’t as weird as it sounds. Melinda and I slept together for the first six years of our lives. 

Read more stories on VICE:

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The Battle for the Heart of Istanbul Is Raging On

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Early on Saturday night, the protest village of tents and flags that had been set up in Istanbul's Gezi Park was razed, and its inhabitants emphatically tear-gassed and cleared, at the behest of Turkey's combative Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. In response, anti-government protesters (mostly, but not exclusively, made up from Turkey's young urban middle class) took to the country's streets all weekend, building barricades and clashing with riot police, with crowds of several thousands blocking major highways and bridges in an effort to join them.

On Sunday – after a morning of tear-gassing in Istanbul, Ankara and other major cities – Erdogan was delivering a set-piece speech to a huge pro-government rally on the outskirts of Istanbul. Designed to be a show of national unity under his Justice and Development Party (AKP), he was defiant and paranoid, deriding protesters as "marginal" and blaming the international press – CNN and BBC, in particular – for being "provocateurs".

Protesters are blaming Erdogan's fiery rhetoric for the brutal policing that, over the past few weeks, has killed five (including one policeman), injured around 5,000 and, this weekend, led to the arrest of more than 400. On Saturday night, a pregnant protester lost her baby. Many of those arrested were doctors who had been volunteering their help to stricken protesters (the doctors, dressed in their white coats, were easily picked out). Around 150 of those detained are still unaccounted for, with authorities unwilling to tell lawyers their whereabouts.

Erdogan, buoyed by victories in three consecutive elections, remains popular. But he's clearly worried enough about his future that he felt he had to hold a Soviet-style mass rally in Istanbul to reassert his support. There, Erdogan spoke to a crowd of around 300,000 people for two hours. He was flanked by a huge portrait of himself and stood before giant Turkish flags held aloft by the crowd, all while TV cameras captured a celebratory flotilla of boats on an otherwise empty Bosphorus (ferries linking the European and Asian sides of the city had been cancelled, presumably in order to reduce the numbers headed to join the protests in the centre).

Yet, as Erdogan told his supporters – many of whom had been bussed in for the occasion – that "Taksim is not Turkey", on the other side of the city many central neighbourhoods were cloaked in CS gas. Riot police were attempting to push protesters back from hurriedly-assembled barricades close to Gezi Park and Taksim Square. Early on Monday morning, it's clear that neither the leaderless protesters nor Erdogan seem particularly interested in de-escalating the situation. Despite a self-censoring Turkish media, detailed reports of police violence have accumulated over the past few weeks, leading a large cross-section of society to feel unified in opposition to the Prime Minister and his socially-conservative party. Erdogan is in denial about the power of social media and, even, of word of mouth. Every night, in most Istanbul neighbourhoods, old ladies can be seen leaning from their windows, banging pots and pans, the drivers below tooting their car horns, in support of the protesters on the streets.

So what was set to be a relatively calm weekend turned into a sleepless one. On Saturday night, in a bizarre and tense siege, the lobby of a luxury hotel on Taksim – which had been serving as a makeshift infirmary and refuge for protesters in the park – was repeatedly gassed. In the chaos, police stormed the hotel to confiscate masks, helmets and anti-tear gas solution. The crowds around Taksim were also being dispersed with tear gas and water cannons containing pepper spray, which were burning protesters' skin.

In the side streets, I saw men having their shirts ripped from their backs, then being hosed down with the corrosive spray. Nisantisi, central Istanbul's most upmarket neighbourhood, seemed to be the focal point for the worst of Sunday's CS gassing. Eyewitnesses living in the area say residents took in strangers who were choking from tear gas, some of them throwing up, and units of police brandishing batons chased any stragglers away. Residents there told me that the pavements were strewn with empty gas canisters, peppered with the odd spent rubber bullet.

In a sign that Erdogan has underestimated the depth of resentment over his rhetoric and divisive tactics, military vehicles were called in to Istanbul late on Saturday night to help riot police. In addition, a further thousand police from across Turkey's provinces were flown in on Sunday to try to keep control. Perhaps now Erdogan can begin to acknowledge that things are getting a bit out of hand.

When Taksim was reoccupied by police forces last Tuesday – which led to similar, if less intense, uproar – most Turks I've spoken to were surprised at how protesters were treated, at how much gas was used and at the deliberate, aggressive stance Erdogan took. But, come the weekend, those involved in the protests had adapted; what's notable about the most recent clashes is that, for many young Turks, carrying or wearing a gas mask, construction helmet and goggles is the new norm.

Heavy rain and fatigue mean that Istanbul is quiet in the early hours of Monday morning, although sporadic protests continue on a smaller scale. Ankara, which has seen heavier policing over the past weeks, remains tense. Monday will not be business as usual: major unions have announced strikes protesting police violence. The atmosphere on the street, and in people's apartments, remains anxious. Turks I've spoken to who are taking part in the protests have little idea of where this is headed. But after Erdogan's defiant show of political support and this weekend's marathon of protests and arrests, it's clear that no one's planning on backing down any time soon.

Follow Jonathan on Twitter: @jonwiltshire

Watch our film about the social uprising in Turkey – Istanbul Rising – here.

We Interviewed Flag, the Keith Morris Version of Black Flag

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We Interviewed Flag, the Keith Morris Version of Black Flag

The IMF's Admission That Austerity Has Failed Is Going to Make the G8 Pretty Awkward

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David Cameron at the G8 in Canada. (Image via)

Today, David Cameron will chair the G8 in Northern Ireland. While he's there, he'll be dodging awkward questions about why Britain spied on many of its guests at the G20 summits back in 2009. He'll also be trying to promote the virtues of austerity – a couple of weeks after the culprits behind the biggest experiment in austerity's history admitted that it was built on a false premise and utterly failed in its ambitions.

In a pretty frank report released last week, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) admitted that they were wrong about the Greek bailout. Which, clearly, is a big deal. It means that the austerity measures forced on the Greek people – measures that continue to cause a great deal of human suffering – didn’t need to happen. Worse still, the IMF admits what was patently clear at the time: the bailout wasn’t done for the sake of the Greek people, it was done for the good of the rest of Europe. In effect, the EU fattened Greece up by giving it access to cheap credit and booming demand in the early 00s, then – when it realised the herd was in danger – slowly bled the sacrifical lamb dry.

The report admits that Greece didn’t qualify for a bailout. However, the criteria in question was quietly altered so that the loan could go through anyway if there was a “high risk of international spillover”. The European Commission mirrored this attitude in its rebuttal of the paper, saying the kind of debt restructuring that was really needed to solve the country’s problems couldn’t happen because of the risk of "systemic contagion". Which are all elaborate ways to say that Greece was fucked over for the wider economic health of Europe.

Here a few of the things the IMF's report highlights as “notable failures”: “Market confidence was not restored, the banking system lost 30 percent of its deposits and the economy encountered a much deeper-than-expected recession with exceptionally high unemployment.” In short, it failed to achieve almost every one of its aims.

I’ve waded through the 51-pages of economic forecasts, trying to understand bewildering acronyms like "ULC REER", and it’s hard to reconcile the findings with any kind of real-world suffering. It covers the unemployment rate – which reached 25 percent in 2012, compared to the IMF’s projection of 15 percent – but, in essence, it remains nothing more than a dry economic exercise.


IMF chief Christine Lagarde. (Image via)

Recently, Dr David Stuckler, a sociology lecturer and author of The Body Economic a ten-year study of the health impacts of recessions – told me, “Recessions can hurt, but austerity kills.” To meet the targets set by the IMF and its partners in the Troika, Greece had to slash its health care budget by over 40 percent and the country is in the midst of a public health care disaster.

HIV infections have more than doubled because drug prevention and needle exchange programmes were shut down; reducing funding to mosquito spraying programmes caused malaria to return for the first time since the early 70s; and between 2010 and 2011, the number of people committing suicide increased by 40 percent, with the health minister pointing the finger firmly at the crisis. And these are just a few of the examples Stuckler gives.

What the IMF admits in the report is that it dramatically underestimated the impact of government cut backs on GDP. Miscalculating this ratio (a fiscal multiplier) means that austerity’s impacts on the country’s economy, and therefore the amount the government earns through tax, far exceeded their expectation. With government revenue way down, it couldn’t work on reducing its deficit, which was the aim in the austerity measures in the first place.

This is why it’s sickening that Cameron maintains his austerity dogma as we hear time and time again about its failures. Olivier Blanchard, the IMF's chief economist, even told Chancellor George Osborne he should rethink his economic plans in light of the continuing weakness of the UK economy: "There is a point at which you actually have to sit down and say maybe our assumptions were not right and maybe we have to slow down," he said, earlier this year.

There’s no beating around the bush here; the report points to a cataclysmic failure in policy, and the Greek people will continue to suffer for it. And these are just two examples in a litany of failures – the intellectual foundations of austerity have been shot to pieces.

What’s perhaps the most frustrating issue to arise from all of this is that, despite their admissions, the IMF will go into the next rescue package with the same attitude, just like they have in the past. And Cameron, in the face of the same admissions from one of the world's most prominent monetary organisations, will remain one of the most ardent supporters of austerity at this week's G8 meeting.

Follow Chris on Twitter: @MediaSpank

More fun stuff about austerity:

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Medical Weed Growers Are Ready to Fight the Conservatives

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Mik Mann, taking his medicine.

If you haven’t heard of marijuana activist and grower Mik Mann he’s the articulate hippie that looks like Frank Zappa we interviewed for our doc B.C. Bud. He lives out in Port Alberni, a pretty remote town on Vancouver Island where he grows medicinal weed out of the comfort of his basement garden.

For the last decade Mik has enjoyed the benefits of a legal marijuana-growing license under the now defunct federal Marihuana Medical Access Regulations (MMAR). He’s been floating on a healthy dose of seven grams of marijuana a day that he cultivates from 35 plants, under a doctor’s prescription for various debilitating conditions like spinal arthritis and degenerative disc disease. Yet all that is officially set to change under the newly implemented and Conservative devised, Marijuana for Medical Purposes Regulations (MMPR), which among other things makes it illegal for users to personally grow their own pot. Instead, medical users like Mik who predominantly make under $30,000 per year and suffer from various diseases will be forced into purchasing corporate dope: only for-profit companies can afford the extensive requirement for licenses to grow in the new system.

Right now, patients pay an average of a $1.80-a-gram for marijuana. That will rise to $8.80 a gram when the MMPR takes effect in 2014. Estimates slap those same patients with an additional $166 million a year for the next 10 years. In other words, the 28,115 Canadians using marijuana to ease chronic pain will be forced into relying on pricier government-sanctioned companies rather than personally growing it themselves, for basically nothing.

As you can imagine, Mik is an outspoken critic of the Harper regime so we figured we’d get his take on the latest government weed program.

VICE: How are all the medicinal growers and users feeling about these new changes?
Mik Mann:
Extremely angry, and it’s easy to see why. I’ve been growing my own medicine now for nearly 12—going on 13—years, and I’m going to be forced to buy what I consider substandard product at over double the price of what I can produce my own at. What it’s becoming is, once again, medicine for profit. They want to profit off of sick people.

What about how you’ve personalized your plant strains to your ailments?
Many of us have done that, you know it’s through trial and error we’ve found things that work extremely well for us and we would go to great lengths to protect those avenues to get those strains whether we’re getting it from somebody else or whether we’re growing it ourselves.

Then where are people going to be getting it from now under the new system?
The only legal choice is under this new MMPR program. I’m encouraging everyone in the old MMAR, all of us medical users, to boycott the new program and therefore it’s an automatic fail and we go right back to court. I think that’s the simplest way to go at it, for people to go into it and say this program does not work for me and impedes access to my medication.

So your hope is to start a class action suit and take this to the Supreme Court?
We’re hoping. John Conroy is a lawyer based out of Abbotsford and he’s representing a great number of people and stakeholders in the MMAR. I’d like to see the whole thing done away with and let it go to the private sector and to home growers who submit proper inspection certificates that everything is up to code. Because really you’re growing plants in the house, I could be growing sunflowers and have my whole basement lit up and nobody would say a word to me, but I change the crop and it’s a big deal. And again it’s only about the money involved, whereas the simple solution is let everyone who wants to grow it, grow it. But then the price drops and it’s no longer the lucrative illegal operation where everyone thinks they’re going to make a million dollars.

What about “guerrilla growing?"
Guerrilla growing is essentially growing marijuana outdoors, on property that doesn’t belong to you. It could be government land, public or provincial parks, property that logging companies own, a vacant lot, behind an abandoned warehouse or on a rooftop… pretty much anywhere outdoors you can put some pants in and on property that isn’t yours… That’ll definitely be on the rise as well, especially with people like me wanting to keep certain strains. The only way I’ll be able to do that is if I grow it outdoors. You’ll see a rise in guerilla growing because of smart meters. It’s pretty difficult nowadays to grow indoors undetected.

That sounds like a lot of effort. Are people with more chronic diseases who can’t physically do that going to be forced to go to drug dealers?
I’m sure that’s what many are going to be doing. It’s going to depend on the quality of the marijuana through the legal channels and the problem with wait times. The product will have to go through Canada Post. One thing we haven’t come close to discussing is: Who’s going to pay for this? It should be covered by some sort of medical insurance.

Which it won’t be, because it won’t have a DIN number.
Right, it doesn’t have a Drug Identification Number! So we’re right back to before where you’re forcing me to use a medication or another form of medicine that I don’t want to use like a pharmaceutical, because they’re the only ones that are covered. Again, it’s an impediment to access to medicine. However on the other hand, due to the Mernagh case, the Ontario Court of Appeal ruled that we don’t have the right to medical marijuana, which I found odd because it goes completely against the Supreme Court ruling and the Terry Parker decision.

Do you have any hope? Justin Trudeau said that if he’s elected he’ll decriminalize marijuana.
I have some hope. I see decriminalization and at some point legalization. The reason why governments are approaching it now, or potential governments like Justin Trudeau’s, and others around the world is they can’t ignore the money anymore. When we have countries bringing in austerity measures how can we have them wasting more money chasing something that people want? Wouldn’t it make more sense to setup a program and make some money off of it? Instead they’re giving a gift to organized crime and automatically turning people who grow and use plants into criminals. Makes more sense to collect tax revenue and bring that into the open like alcohol and tobacco.

What’s the general feeling out in British Columbia about these changes?
There’s the Sensible BC push that’s going on for decriminalization in BC. In light of the government’s announcement it’s brought more attention to the initiative. I feel you’ll find more people now realizing how we’re all getting screwed; the medical community will tend to jump on board bringing the whole marijuana issue back to the forefront, which is good. In a way the whole thing is backfiring on the Conservatives. The last thing you want to do is start picking a fight with a disabled person, they tend to not give a shit and fight back like mad people. The guy in the wheelchair may look docile, but I’ll tell you I bet he’s holding a lot of anger in so when you start fucking with his medicine… 

They’re willing to fight for it?
Oh yeah, just from the tweets and Facebook statuses going around from people I know: The government better be ready for a whole big fight. Myself, I’m going to be shutting down and fighting the government in my own ways and I can assure you they’re going to be eating the biggest bowl of fuck you they’ve ever seen.

If you could say anything to Stephen Harper right now what would it be?
Fuck you buddy, I’m coming for you.

And Vic Toews?
Pretty much the same thing, get ready for a fight guys because you’re not popular, you stole the election, and I think enough rope has been played out there’s enough to hang yourselves.

 

Follow Ben on Twitter: @BMakuch

Watch:

B.C. Bud

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James "Whitey" Bulger Isn't Very Popular in His Hometown

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James "Whitey" Bulger's 1953 mug shot.

The reformed drug dealer and I are sitting in his silver Lexus, across the street from the building where he says he saw James “Whitey” Bulger beat a guy with a Club lock.

The building, on Marshall Street in Somerville, Massachusetts, was once a garage and the epicenter of Bulger's Winter Hill Gang. Witnessing that beating was a lifetime ago for Paul Moran—before he got sober, before the hip replacement, before he stopped dabbling in crime and started working for a union. As a kid in the 1970s, he would sweep the garage after everyone left for the day and fetch frappes for any of the killers, conmen, and bookies who were still mulling around.

The garage is now gone. In its place is a church. There’s a parable of redemption and sin somewhere in this scene: a former drunken car thief who pushed angel dust considering the hub of his misspent youth, which has now been transformed into the Greater Works Church of God.

Moran is not a pious man, but he does understand the appeal of Old Testament justice, especially when it comes to Whitey Bulger, the most notorious Boston gangster of them all.

Bulger’s long-awaited trial started last week. He faces dozens of charges, including 19 counts of murder. Until his 2011 arrest, Bulger was one of America's most-wanted men (second only to Osama bin Laden after 9/11), living on the run for 16 years before authorities eventually caught up with him in Santa Monica, California, where he'd been living there under the name Charles Gasko. According to court documents, testimonies, and informant files already in the public realm, Bulger was an FBI informant for 15 years, while allegedly also corrupting the Boston wing of the FBI. He managed to maintain the slightly at-odds titles of criminal grand poo-bah and federal informant for a decade and a half.

According to his former mob associates, Bulger sent many of his fellow Winter Hill mobsters-in-arms to jail via his FBI snitch work. The established Bulger narrative goes like this: because of his excellent snitching, corrupt federal agents allegedly shielded him from arrest and prosecution. This, according to court documents, allowed him to kill, extort, and push drugs with impunity.


An FBI surveillance photo of "Whitey" Bulger (on the right) and Stephen Flemmi. Photo via

Back to Paul Moran on Marshall Street. Moran tells me about the time he saw Whitey and Stevie Flemmi—another thug cum federal informant who ratted on his fellow gangsters—beat a guy with a Club lock. He doesn't know the reason for the beat down. When I ask him if the guy’s face got busted up, he answers, simply: “Yeah.”

Moran tells me that, as a kid, he coveted a gaudy, blue diamond ring that Whitey wore.

"He said to me, 'Someday, kid, when you got money like I do, you can get your own.'"

He labels Bulger an "odd duck," who was hard to get to know, but nevertheless acknowledges that he was a man who commanded respect. Moran was in the garage when mobsters from New York made the 200-mile trek north to settle a disagreement. A Winter Hill bookie, says Moran, had screwed the New York guys out of thousands on a sports-betting scheme. They came seeking money and retribution. After meeting with Bulger, they left with neither, according to Moran.

“Whatever the deal was, it got washed.”

Ever the pragmatist, Bulger allegedly killed people like Brian “Balloonhead” Halloran for being an informant, despite being an informant himself.

Moran knew Halloran. He doesn’t think he should have been killed. Moran, who admits to making plenty of mistakes in his life, cannot abide hypocrites like Bulger and Flemmi.

“What they should do is put them to a tree and let the people have their fucking justice with them. Put him to a tree—Stevie, too—and just have the people whose lives they fucked up—just like the old days, I guess—just like, stone them, kick them, spit on them... Do to them what they did to people.”


Brian Halloran's 1974 mug shot, eight years before he was murdered. 

Another day in Somerville, another aging, union guy with a fake hip and a thick, nonrhotic accent driving around in a silver Lexus telling me how much of a dick Whitey Bulger is. (Actually, in the interests of accuracy, Bobby Martini calls him a "piece of shit," a "sleazeball," a "nobody," and a "stool pigeon," but never mutters the word “dick.”)

Martini grew up in Somerville and was Halloran’s brother-in-law. He hates Bulger.

“If there’s a devil on this earth, it’s Whitey Bulger,” he says.

Martini’s father, also named Bobby Martini, ran the garage that was connected to the Winter Hill Gang. Besides Bulger, Martini actually likes and respects some of the Winter Hill gangsters, like Howie Winter and Jimmy Martarano.

Bulger, he says, once threatened his father but was dissuaded from following through on the threat by a Somerville police captain.

"He went down there the next day and said, 'Are you threatening Martini? Because if you are, whatever happens to him happens to you the next fucking day, you piece of shit.'"

Martini gets pissed off when anyone conflates Whitey with Winter Hill. He is quick to point out that the organization that became known as the Winter Hill Gang formed in Somerville without "Whitey," who hails from South Boston, in the early 1960s.

“To us, he was nothing,” he says.


Jimmy Martorano's 1975 mug shot.

Former Winter Hill associate Jimmy Martorano recalls a time when Whitey Bulger was just another thug on the wrong side of a gangland war. In the early 1970s, Whitey was enmeshed in a South Boston beef between the Mullen Gang and the Killeen Gang. Whitey was aligned with the latter. According to Martarano, he approached Winter Hill to mediate the beef and for protection. He got both. A truce was called. The two gangs merged. Whitey was spared.

“He got lucky when we stopped Pat and his crew [from the Mullen Gang] from killing him,” says Martarano. “That was our mistake.”

Martarano, whose brother Johnny was a Winter Hill hitman who has admitted to killing 20 people, has had a front-row seat to the duplicity that is Whitey Bulger for a number of decades. In the late 70s, he was indicted in a massive horse-race-fixing scandal while he was already serving a ten-year bid in federal prison. He is convinced Whitey and Stevie Flemmi, both of whom were not indicted in that case, ratted on him.

“I had no more to do with the horse fixing case than you did,” he tells me.

At the time, he says, he remembers being relieved that someone had ducked charges relating to the scandal. Now he thinks back with disgust and disappointment that he and his friends in Winter Hill could not piece together what happened sooner.

Whitey allegedly ratted out many of his mobster friends. Martarano, however, doesn’t think there is anyone left to rat on.

He doubts there will be any more federal agents to join John Connolly—a disgraced FBI agent who protected Bulger from capture, who has been convicted of murder and racketeering—in the clink.

Some of the corrupted federal agents are dead, says Martarano, and the statute of limitations for most of the crimes has already expired. The counts of murder are the notable exceptions.

I ask him if he has champagne ready for the completion of Bulger’s trial. He says no.

“I’ll be relieved that it’s all over. Finally.”

Today, Jimmy's brother Johnny is expected to testify as one of the prosecution's star witnesses as the trial continues for an expected three to four months.  

Follow Danny on Twitter: @DMacCash

More stuff about mobsters:

My Cousin Joe Was a Hitman for the Boston Mob

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Watch - The VICE Guide to Russian Mobsters 

There's a Plan to Bury Nuclear Waste a Kilometre Away from Lake Huron

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Illustration by Alex Sheriff.

Choosing a site to permanently store Canada’s nuclear waste is all about finding the community that is most willing to host it. Ontario Power Generation and the federal Nuclear Waste Management Organization are planning to build two underground storage facilities called Deep Geological Repositories, fill them with radioactive waste over approximately 40 years, and then abandon them until the waste is decommissioned 100,000 years from now. It’s a process that requires an incredible amount of foresight, which is why for nearly a decade OPG and the NWMO have met with the mayors of Bruce County in secret and, according to a town councillor in one eligible municipality, “wined and dined” them.

The first of these proposed facilities could begin construction after regulatory hearings in late 2013. Storing low and intermediate level nuclear waste, including everything from irradiated mops and rags to components of decommissioned reactors, the proposed facility would be built about a kilometre away from Lake Huron in Kincardine, Ontario—a town so friendly to the nuclear power industry that its Mayor Larry Kraemer uses the word “we” interchangeably to refer to the town of Kincardine and the nuclear industry itself. And although OPG scientists have determined that the proposed site is safe so long as no unexpected human incidents or mechanical failures occur, a leak from this facility would irradiate the water supply of 40 million Canadians and Americans. Which begs the question: Out of all of Canada, why was this site chosen?


This is the picture from the “Assuring our Future” page of Ontario Power Generation’s website.

Part of the reason is that OPG is inordinately lazy. It’s like they’re not even trying. To Mayor Mike Bradley of Sarnia, who is drumming up opposition to the project from within a coalition of Great Lakes mayors, the Kincardine proposal is a symptom of a “bizarre selection process. Kincardine said ‘we want to be the host community’ and OPG said yes…. They didn’t look anywhere else in the country. They didn’t look anywhere else to see if there were better sites. They simply said ‘If they want it we’ll give it to them.’” Kincardine already hosts the largest nuclear generating station in the world, a privately run facility that has stored low and intermediate level waste above ground for 40 years, and its Mayor is pretty nonchalant about storing this waste in his community forever. “The underground repository basically guards us permanently from environmental effects,” he told me.

But Sarnia’s Mayor criticizes OPG for choosing a permanent nuclear waste site simply because it was convenient and economical. He argues that OPG has decided to “build the case for doing it around the fact that they’ve said they would be a willing host. But then you get into whole issue of who determines that for a community? Is it political leadership—the elite? Or is it the community itself?” To Mayor Bradley, the way in which Kincardine’s leaders determined that the community was willing to host this facility, through a town poll, was “totally unscientific… the most dependable way of getting community assessment is to put it on the ballot as a referendum in the next election… OPG and Bruce Power are huge employers in that area and I think people are often apprehensive about speaking out in the public realm. But they can certainly do that in private in the ballot box.”


A diagram from Ontario Power Generation explaining the proposed Kincardine DGR.

Mayor Bradley also criticized the “ad hoc” nature of the government’s upcoming regulatory hearings, suggesting that many potentially affected communities have not been adequately consulted. “It’s fine to have [hearings] in Kincardine. But shouldn’t they also be taking place in Thunder Bay, Toronto, Cleveland, you know other places along the Great Lakes? So that there’s more knowledge of what’s going on? More ability to give input?” The Mayor of Kincardine and OPG, in contrast, insist that adequate consultation has taken place in external communities. According to Neal Kelly, an OPG representative, OPG has had consultations with political leadership as far as Michigan: “We’ve talked to the senate, we’ve talked to congressional people, we’ve sat down with anybody who has contacted us.” Similarly, referring to the nuclear industry and not his own community, Kincardine’s Mayor explained that a decade ago “we began with consultations and polling in Kitchener, London, and Toronto, areas like that. One of the more common responses that we got was ‘Where did you say this is?’ ‘The answer is Kincardine.’ ‘Kincardine? Well, who cares?’ That was a really common response because it didn’t affect them, right?”

Taking what the Mayor calls a “leadership role,” the community of Kincardine has signed a hosting agreement with OPG stipulating that they will support the project in exchange for financial and non-financial benefits. “Part of the host agreement which provides funds to the community is that one cannot speak ill of the project,” explained Sarnia’s Mayor Mike Bradley. Since 2005 Kincardine has received annual payments of $650,000 that have so far only been used to lower the town’s tax rate. In addition, Kincardine will soon open a post-secondary education institution on industry dollar, and its property values will be protected by industry, if and when the land loses value, because it’s on top of a permanent nuclear waste dumpsite.


Kincardine's Mayor. Courtesy of the Kincardine Times.

This agreement may explain why Kincardine’s Mayor assessed years of secret meetings between OPG, the NWMO, and the mayors of Bruce County as being “very, very, very, very transparent.” To Chris Peabody, a councillor in Walkerton, the secrecy of these meetings is a sign that the leadership in his own community has learned nothing from the E. Coli tragedy a decade ago, where a lack of private sector and government disclosure caused the deaths of seven people and the illnesses of several thousand. He explained that: “certainly they’re not following the provisions of the Municipal Act that they’re governed by which requires public postings of meetings and accurate takings of minutes… these mayors were wined and dined. They took them up to Ottawa, they put them up [in nice hotels] , they made them feel important. It’s a well-known corporate strategy. You don’t have to spend a lot of money wining and dining them.” OPG denies “wining and dining” but capitulates that these secret meetings occurred.

In their search for a community to host a second Deep Geological Repository for spent nuclear fuel, the federal NWMO may seem to be taking a more reasonable, less bribery-centric approach than the provincial OPG—and at very least they are considering twenty one potential waste sites instead of just one. But the NWMO has a similar history of luring communities with financial enticements and even promoting these enticements in humiliatingly insensitive contexts, like the healing circles of indigenous elders. Currently, the NWMO is only offering interested communities financial reimbursement for the expense of educating their population. However, according to Chris Peabody, “sketchy notes” from the secret meetings of Bruce County mayors means that: “we’ll never know exactly what enticements were made.” After a high level facility was first suggested by the NWMO, the Mayor of Brockton told Peabody “there’ll be payouts, there’ll be a research centre, a swimming pool.” Peabody explained that “now that the whole plan is facing a bit of criticism, the NWMO has said ‘all deals are off the table. We don’t want to be seen to be buying out the towns so we’re only offering eight hundred jobs. The only benefit is the eight hundred jobs that come with the plant.’”

Still, twenty-one communities are desperate enough to consider the offer, and Peabody fears that “the only prerequisite for winning is whoever is the most willing to host.” The NWMO stresses that their highest priority is selecting a safe site, though “community willingness” is assessed prior to any actual on-site geological surveys in their scouting process. To Kincardine’s Mayor Larry Kraemer, this peculiar enthusiasm around hosting nuclear waste is a “tremendous success.” Though the Kincardine facility has not yet been built, and has no observable safety record, he explained that “one of our motivators for being involved in the way that we have was to be a demonstration project and to provide confidence that a community could host this type of facility and do so knowing that the safety and economics of this situation were sound.”

To Mayor Mike Bradley, the fact that communities are actually competing to host high-level nuclear waste is a sign of a bleak economic landscape. “There are lots of communities in the North that are seeking it just because they’re so desperate. Just to stay alive, to survive.”


Previously:

A Toxic Tour of Canada's Chemical Valley

The Mayor of Montreal Is in Handcuffs

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Montreal Mayor Michael Applebaum. Not pictured: a police raid. via.

So. The mayor of Montreal has been arrested.

Investigators with UPAC, the provincial anti-corruption squad, roused Michael Applebaum out of bed this morning at the ungodly hour of 6 a.m. for a trip down to Sûreté du Québec’s HQ on Parthenais street in Montreal and booked him on 14 counts, including fraud, conspiracy to commit fraud, corruption and breach of trust. The operation was conducted discreetly, with only about 20 officers involved.

Whether he’ll continue on as mayor isn’t yet known—but predictably, the opposition is saying he has to step down. Jean-Francois Lisée, Quebec’s minister for Montreal, is saying the same.

Jesus bedwetting Christ.

We know how fucked up Montreal’s political scene is, and we automatically assume politicians are crooked, but it’s still an eye-popping sight to see your mayor behind bars. Especially a guy like Mike—clean-cut, religious, nebbish-y little Mike.

Here’s a guy who swore up and down that his hands were clean, that he was going to put an end to all the rot and filth festering at the sour heart of this crumbling city. That he was a man of integrity, that he had nothing to hide, that he wouldn’t tolerate corruption.

Maybe it’s all bullshit. Maybe—could it be?—a politician lied to us. Big fucking surprise.

If Mike is crooked as cops think he is, he’s in colourful company. He joins Gilles Vaillancourt, the former mayor of the dreary suburb of Laval currently being charged with all kinds of malfeasance, in the ever-extending line of disgraced pols. Gilles’s alleged to have skimmed 2.5 percent off every municipal contract he awarded in a reign that spanned three decades.

Mike got in trouble after news reports in February pointed out some suspicious real estate dealings in Notre-Dame-de-Grace/Cote-des-Neiges between 2006 to 2011, when he was the borough’s mayor. (FYI, Montreal has 19 boroughs, each of them with a council and a mayor, which makes for a seriously top-heavy, expensive and many say wasteful municipal council. It also has a regular city-wide city council and mayor.) They involve zoning changes for building projects with Mafia connections.

Cops had been investigating dealings in the neighbourhood for some time, and in March, a city manager named Robert Rousseau committed suicide after being questioned by the corruption boys. Arrested alongside Applebaum were ex-long-time councillor Saulie Zajdel (who ran for the federal Conservatives in 2011) and a city bureaucrat responsible for zoning and permits—Rosseau’s predecessor.

Mike’s short career as mayor hasn’t been an easy one. He grabbed the top job after his one-time boss, former mayor Gerald Tremblay, stepped down last November amid a slew of revelations of graft and sleaze and mob connections among his top staff. He was one for the first councillors to distance himself from Tremblay and his party (after he was passed over for the party’s leadership), and was duly elected by city council as interim mayor after making overtures to the two opposition parties. He was Montreal’s first Anglo mayor in over a century and its first Jewish one ever. He’s also, apparently, a pretty sneaky little operator.

So what happens now? Who the hell knows? Mike might try to ride it out until November, but it’s hard to imagine that he’ll get much help at City Hall, where his allies are going to be hoping the cops don’t look too closely at their histories.

Precedent suggests that Montreal may be put under provincial trusteeship. That’s what happened in Laval a couple of weeks ago. That meant that a panel of commissioners—in Laval’s case, a former provincial minister, a judge and a lawyer—will oversee all spending and hiring decisions while letting the city council conduct its affairs as more or less usual.

Trusteeship is embarrassing and humiliating. Politically speaking, it’s like having your parents cut off your allowance after they see all the stupid shit you’ve been spending money on.

Montreal’s politicians are hoping that doesn’t happen here, and are now wondering if and when they’ll get yet another interim mayor. While a bunch of city politicians say they need one, with an election just a few months away, others are asking why bother.

Whoever does take the job, either now or in November, has a big old bucket of crap to deal with. Even the cleanest hands are going to get dirty after a while.


 

Follow Patrick on Twitter: @patricklejtenyi

More on sleazy mayors:

Rob Ford Might Be A Crack Smoker

How Corrupt Will Montreal’s New Ruling Party Be?

Why Laval Sucks

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